abstract: This study examines the factors that shape the timing of a passage of a piece of controversial gender equality legislation by conducting a case study of the abolition of the family-head system in South Korea. This study draws on the method of process tracing with the data collected from the archives and the interviews. The case study mainly compares the legislative processes for the bills on the abolition of the family-head system in 16th and the 17th National Assemblies, in which the bills resulted to opposite outcomes. This study argues that the institutions of the legislative process mediate the impact of relevant actors for gender equality policymaking. In the bill initiation stage, only a small number of the elected officials are required to introduce a bill, and women representatives serve a vital role as they are more likely to introduce feminist bills than their male colleagues. This study argues that 1) the background of the women influencing their commitment to feminist agendas, 2) strong women’s movements contributing to issue saliency, and thereby the policy priorities of the issue, and 3) the resources and constraints inside the party for feminist policymaking influenced by party ideology, shape how active women representatives will be in advocating controversial gender equality agendas. In the later stages of policymaking, the efforts of a small number of women members are offset by that of political parties. Emphasizing the positive agenda control of the majority party and the negative agenda control of the minority parties, this study suggests that party issue positions are critical for the outcome of the bill. To explain the party issue position (re)shape, this study underlines 1) public opinion, 2) the emergence of new voter groups leading to the decline of the cleavage politics, 3) new party entry, and 4) women in the party and the party leadership. The findings highlight that the major parties’ issue positions shift in the 17th National Assembly greatly contributed to amplifying the bargaining power of the key allies and weakening the institutional leverage of the opponents, leading to the successful legislation of the bill. / Dissertation/Thesis / Doctoral Dissertation Political Science 2019

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An extensive literature examines how distributive (i.e., “pork barrel”) spending is allocated among congressional districts. Much of this research finds evidence that intra-chamber factors like ideology, party, and committee membership are the primary determinants of various forms of distributive spending. However, we know much less about how extra-chamber factors such as district-level demand and the economy impact the distribution of federal outlays. In this study, I find that district-level demand and variation in economic factors, in particular, income and unemployment, significantly predict the distribution of new bureaucratic awards in the 110th Congress. The results support the contention that districts get what they need, and this raises questions about the ability of members of powerful committees to steer awards selectively to their districts. It also provides evidence for the economic “law of increasing state activity,” by which districts with higher income levels receive a larger share of federal assistance.

This research investigates the Twitter network sphere of the 112th U.S. House of Representatives and the 18th Korean National Assembly members. Drawing from social network analysis, this study explores and compares structural characteristics of each legislative political network at diverse network levels – legislative, party and personal network. Mapping these networks highlights the major features of these two elite political networks grounded in a new social medium. Findings indicate that U.S. and Korean lawmakers have created and are enjoying affluent and multi-layered digital networks. Dynamic legislative-body networks, strong party networks, and a variety of personal networks with diverse partisan and bipartisan relationships demonstrate how politicians are agile at using new mediums. This research confirmed that these newly created legislative networks go beyond partisanship. Complicated structures demonstrate active and mutual interactions among lawmakers, and the political networks with large numbers of bipartisan tie relationships indicate that the political elite communicate, interact, and build relationships with each other rather than remaining disconnected or isolated. This research revealed new types of leaders – digital opinion leaders – emerging from newly created digital legislative networks: the most connected lawmakers; lawmakers who have great potential to coordinate party politics; the most sought after leaders; and most sociable lawmakers. By examining lawmakers’ patterns of relationship building in the network, this research tests whether these relationships are dependent on party position, ruling or opposition, in the network. In turn, this provides evidence for different uses of this new medium by party position in both legislative bodies. Detailed examination of Twitter use by political elites in Korea and the U.S. illuminate how this new media platform is being adopted by and changing politics in two distinct social and cultural settings. This new political arena, a fully digitalized and networked sphere where dynamic competition and cooperation occurs between political elites, has emerged as one of the political battlefields in politics today. / text

To understand the dynamics of legislative gridlock, as well as account for the mixed and often conflicting findings in the divided government literature, this paper posits that the previous unidimensional approach of using divided government as an explanatory variable of interest fails to accurately reflect the changing realities of American politics since WWII. Two new and interlocking conceptual approaches are introduced that expand the dimensionality of legislative gridlock: ideological polarization explained through the temporal shift of political parties from a party system of moderation and universalistic policy outputs, to one where particularistic goals became much more common. As studies of divided government center on temporally-bound concepts, they ignore most of the inter- and intra-party variation evident throughout the latter 20th century. / text

Istoriniai socialiniai tyrimai Lietuvoje vis greičiau įgauną pagreitį. Tiriama ne vien garsių politikos, kultūros, verslo asmenybių biografijos, bet vis dažniau atsigręžiama ir į paprastus žmones. Didysis Vilniaus seimas (toliau – DVS) tapo ta vieta, kurioje dalyvavo visų socialinių sluoksnių atstovai, neišskiriant lyties, amžiaus, religijos, tautybės. / Istorical social researches in Lithuania are accelerating at a fast pace. Not only biographies of famous political, cultural and business personalities are being researched but more and more often the attention is drawn to ordinary people. Great Assembly of Vilnius (further – GAV) became a place in which representatives of all social layers could participate without distinction of sex, age, religion or nationality.

CoordenaÃÃo de AperfeiÃoamento de Pessoal de NÃvel Superior / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento CientÃfico e TecnolÃgico / Nesta dissertaÃÃo, nosso principal objetivo foi desenvolver uma tÃcnica de resoluÃÃo para um problema na Ãrea de telecomunicaÃÃes. O problema em questÃo à chamado de problema de PonderaÃÃo de Rodadas (PR) e foi inicialmente proposto em [Klasing,Morales,Perennes, 2008]. O contexto do problema envolve uma rede sem fio, onde as comunicaÃÃes sÃo realizadas via ondas de rÃdio e a rede funciona atravÃs de uma operaÃÃo da rede que satisfaz certas restriÃÃes. Inicialmente, explicamos como à formada uma rede de rÃdio e descrevemos a forma de operaÃÃo da rede de rÃdio junto Ãs restriÃÃes usando um modelo matemÃtico. Em seguida, formalizamos o problema PR como um problema de otimizaÃÃo, especificando suas restriÃÃes, correspondente à geraÃÃo do conjunto de possÃveis operaÃÃes da rede, e critÃrio de otimizaÃÃo, referente ao uso dos recursos da rede. Posteriormente, mostramos um estudo preliminar do problema de ColoraÃÃo FracionÃria (CF) e apresentamos uma tÃcnica de resoluÃÃo deste problema atravÃs do uso de uma heurÃstica lagrangeana baseada em uma relaxaÃÃo lagrangeana de uma formulaÃÃo de programaÃÃo inteira do problema. Essa tÃcnica de resoluÃÃo à entÃo adaptada para o problema PR, consistindo na principal contribuiÃÃo de nossa pesquisa. Por fim, mostramos os resultados computacionais e anÃlises das nossas implementaÃÃes para os problemas CF e PR. / In this dissertation, our main objective was to develop a technique for resolution to a problem in the area of telecommunications. The problem in question is called Round Weighting Problem (RWP) and was originally proposed in (KLASING; MORALES; PeRENNES, 2008). The context of the problem involves a wireless network where communications are performed by radio waves and the network operates through a network operation that satises the constraints of the problem. Initially, we explain how a radio network is formed and describe the mode of operation of the radio network with restrictions using a mathematical model. Then, we formalize the RWP as an optimization problem, specifying their restrictions, corresponding to the generation of the set of possible network operations, and optimization criterion, regarding the use of network resources. Subsequently, we show a preliminary study of the Fractional Coloring problem (FC problem) and present a technique to solve this problem through the use of a lagrangian heuristic based on a lagrangian relaxation of an integer programming formulation of the problem. This resolution technique is then adapted to the RWP, consisting in the main contribution of our research. Finally, we show the computational results and analyzes of our implementations for the Fractional Coloring problem and RWP.

As parlamentares representam os interesses das mulheres? O estudo parte da hipótese, defendida por autoras da teoria política feminista, de que o aumento da representação política feminina nas instituições legislativas teria como consequência a formulação de mais e melhores políticas públicas voltadas para a promoção da igualdade de gênero. As pesquisas empíricas sobre a representação política das mulheres têm se dedicado com maior empenho à dimensão da representação descritiva, ou seja, à análise dos mecanismos de exclusão e à sugestão de alternativas para aumentar a quantidade de mulheres nos parlamentos. Um número menor de trabalhos tem se debruçado sobre a análise da representação substantiva das mulheres, cujo foco é o conteúdo da representação. Esta pesquisa possui propósito duplo: um teórico e outro empírico-descritivo. No plano da teoria política, a pesquisa se propõe a contribuir para o debate sobre a representação política feminina, com base na análise de caso do Congresso Nacional brasileiro, sob a perspectiva da representação substantiva. O segundo objetivo, de teor empírico-descritivo, é entender o papel da bancada feminina da Câmara dos Deputados na formulação e aprovação de projetos de lei relacionados à promoção da igualdade de gênero. A articulação desses dois objetivos acontecerá a partir da aferição empírica da atuação substantiva da bancada feminina e da introdução de distinções analíticas positivas que permitam problematizar e revisar os pressupostos normativos da teoria política feminista. Ao final, será apresentada uma tipologia que permitirá a classificação de proposições legislativas relacionadas à igualdade de gênero. / Do women parliamentarians represent women interests? The study is based on the hypothesis, advocated by authors of feminist political theory, that the increase in female political representation in legislative institutions would result in the formulation of more and better public policies for the promotion of gender equality. Empirical research on women\'s political representation have been dedicated to analyze the descriptive representation, i.e., the analysis of mechanisms of exclusion and alternatives to increase the number of women in parliaments. A smaller number of studies have been working on the analysis of the substantive representation of women, which focuses on the content of the representation. This research has dual purpose: one theoretical and other empirical-descriptive. In terms of political theory, the research aims to contribute to the debate on female political representation, based on case analysis of the Brazilian Congress, from the perspective of substantive representation. The second objective, empirical-descriptive, is to understand the role of the \"bancada feminina\" of the House of Representatives in the formulation and approval of bills related to the promotion of gender equality. The relationship between these two objectives will take place from the empirical assessment of the substantive work of the women\'s bench and from the introduction of positive analytical distinctions that allow discussing and revising the normative assumptions of feminist political theory. At the end, a typology for the classification of legislative proposals related to gender equality will be presented.

La loi du 20 août 2008 portant rénovation de la démocratie sociale a institué un nouveaumode de reconnaissance de la représentativité syndicale. Cette réforme a renouvelé les critères de lareprésentativité syndicale dont l’audience électorale des organisations syndicales aux électionsprofessionnelles constitue le socle. Dès lors, la représentativité syndicale n’est plus déterminée par unschéma descendant du niveau national et interprofessionnel vers les branches et les entreprises maispar un système ascendant dont le point de départ est l’entreprise. Ce changement a créé non seulementun lien entre les organisations syndicales et la communauté de travail mais également un lien entre lesreprésentants syndicaux et la communauté de travail dont le vote des salariés constitue le principalfondement. Désormais, la reconnaissance des périmètres des institutions représentatives élues dupersonnel conditionne ceux d’appréciation de la représentativité syndicale. Ainsi, l’enchevêtrementdes établissements distincts pour la mise en place des institutions représentatives élues du personnelrend délicate l’appréciation de la représentativité syndicale dans les entreprises à structure complexe.Face aux nouveaux enjeux liés à la reconnaissance de ces périmètres, l’employeur et les représentantsdes organisations syndicales pourraient être amenés à les instrumentaliser dans ce type d’entreprise.A ce titre, nous confronterons les dispositions de la loi du 20 août 2008, telles que réceptionnées par lajurisprudence, avec les garanties qu’elles apportent pour la préservation des liens précédemmentévoqués dans les entreprises à structure complexe. / The law of 20 August 2008 on renewing social democracy has established a new way ofrecognition of trade union representativeness. This reform has renewed the criteria for trade unionrepresentativeness whose the number of votes for trade unions in personnel representative bodies is thefoundation. Therefore, trade union representativeness is no longer determined by a top-down approachfrom national level to branch and company level, but by a bottom-up system where the starting point isthe company. This change has created not only a link between trade unions and the workingcommunity, but also a link between union representatives and the working community whose vote isthe main foundation. Now, the recognition of the boundaries of the elected personnel representativebodies determines where trade union representativeness will be appreciated. Thus, the tangle ofseparate institutions for the establishment of elected personnel representative bodies makes nuancedappreciation of union representativeness in the complex-structure companies. Faced with newchallenges related to the recognition of these boundaries, the social partners could be asked to exploitthem in this type of companies. As such, we will confront the law of 20 August 2008, as interpreted bycase law, with the guarantees they provide for the preservation of the links mentioned above incomplex-structure companies.

In this research, I analyze the effects of candidate nomination rules and campaign financing rules on elite recruitment into the national legislatures of Germany and the United States. This dissertation is both theory-driven and constitutes exploratory research, too. While the effects of electoral rules are frequently studied in political science, the emphasis is thereby on electoral rules that are set post-election. My focus, in contrast, is on electoral rules that have an effect prior to the election. Furthermore, my dissertation is comparative by design. The research question is twofold. Do electoral rules have an effect on elite recruitment, and does it matter? To answer these question, I create a large-N original data set, in which I code the behavior and recruitment paths and patterns of members of the American House of Representatives and the German Bundestag. Furthermore, I include interviews with members of the said two national legislatures. Both the statistical analyses and the interviews provide affirmative evidence for my working hypothesis that differences in electoral rules lead to a different type of elite recruitment. To that end, I use the active-politician concept, through which I dichotomously distinguish the economic behavior of politicians. Thanks to the exploratory nature of my research, I also discover the phenomenon of differential valence of local and state political office for entrance into national office in comparative perspective. By statistically identifying this hitherto unknown paradox, as well as evidencing the effects of electoral rules, I show that besides ideology and culture, institutional rules are key in shaping the ruling elite. The way institutional rules are set up, in particular electoral rules, does not only affect how the electorate will vote and how seats will be distributed, but it will also affect what type of people will end up in elected office.