This thesis seeks to contribute to the literature by studying the impact of a legislators gender on health and public security policies passed in the Brazilian Congress and whether such policies are aligned with voters preferences. Evidences have shown that women face stronger barriers to being elected as compared to their male counterparts (Lawless 2015; Speck and Mancuso 2014) and they face a complex and demanding electoral playing field when running for re-election (Palmer and Simon, 2010). My hypothesis is that female politicians need to establish their credibility by proposing public policies in masculine areas, such as public security. Once a congresswoman has political experience, as a mayor, state deputy or another office, she risks making policy more aligned with female voter preferences. Using data from a national survey and a low-income voter survey, I analyze whether male and female Brazilian voters differ in the priority they assign to health and security policies. This enables me to predict what effects gender representation should have on health and public security policy choices. Then, I examine the differences in the types of health and public security budget amendments sponsored by male and female legislators. Finally, I analyze the impact of a politicians gender conditional on experience in politics. With these results, I compare the preferences and priorities of male and female voters with the representatives priorities and see if they correspond. Employing logistic regressions, the voter surveys analyses show that female voters do not present different policy preferences than male voters. Moreover, the results of the budget amendments analysis using linear regressions suggest that (i) female deputies do not focus more on health policy than their male counterparts, and (ii) female deputies that are professional politicians allocate less resource for security policy than male professional deputies. / Esta dissertação busca contribuir com a literatura estudando o impacto do sexo do deputado nas políticas públicas de saúde e segurança aprovadas no Congresso brasileiro, e se tais políticas estão alinhadas com as preferências dos eleitores. A literatura tem mostrado que mulheres enfrentam fortes barreiras para serem eleitas se comparado aos homens (Lawless 2015; Speck e Mancuso 2014) e elas também enfrentam um complexo e exigente jogo eleitoral quando concorrem à reeleição (Palmer e Simon 2010). Minha hipótese é de que deputadas precisam estabelecer sua credibilidade propondo políticas públicas em áreas masculinas, tal como segurança pública. Uma vez que a deputada tenha experiência política, como prefeita, deputada federal ou um outro cargo político, ela se arriscará fazendo política mais alinhada com as preferências das eleitoras. Utilizando dados de um survey nacional e de um survey com eleitores de baixa renda, eu analiso se as eleitoras e os eleitores brasileiros apresentam diferentes prioridades com relação a políticas de saúde e de segurança. Com esses resultados, eu posso predizer quais os efeitos a representação de homens e mulheres deveria ter sobre a escolha de políticas públicas de saúde e segurança. Então, eu analiso as diferenças nos tipos de emendas orçamentárias de saúde e de segurança que são propostas pelos deputados e deputadas. Finalmente, eu analiso o impacto do sexo do parlamentar condicional à experiência na política. Com estes resultados, eu comparo as preferências e prioridades de eleitores e eleitoras com as prioridades dos parlamentares e vejo se elas correspondem. Empregando regressão logística, a análise dos surveys mostra que eleitoras não apresentam diferentes preferências políticas que os eleitores. Além disso, os resultados da análise das emendas orçamentárias utilizando regressão linear sugere que (i) deputadas não priorizam política de saúde mais que seus colegas o fazem; e (ii) deputadas que são políticas profissionais alocam menos recursos para política de segurança do que fazem os deputados profissionais.

The study aimed to investigate the understanding of learner representatives of their involvement in drawing up and implementing the code of conduct of a school. The researcher addressed the aim by undertaking an appropriate literature review and doing an empirical investigation. A qualitative approach, which was modelled on a case study, was used to explore the experiences of learner representatives in the drafting and implementation of the learner code of conduct in their respective schools. Six learner representatives from six schools in the Johannesburg Ekurhuleni District who are Representative Council for Learners (RCL) and members of the School Governing Body (SGB) were interviewed. It was found that the learner representatives are not fully involved in the drawing up of the code of conduct for learners. Learner representatives’ presence in the SGB is tokenistic because they are side-lined when it comes to the drafting of the code of conduct for learners. The study further found that learner representatives want a review of some of the rules contained in the code of conduct for learners, including the policy on hair and dress code. The recommendations arising from this study are, therefore, that the SGBs must consider involving learner representatives in the drafting and implementation of the code of conduct for learners. This may assist in the curbing of indiscipline in schools. Finally, schools can involve learner representatives in the review of the existing code of conduct. / Dissertation (MEd)--University of Pretoria, 2019. / Education Management and Policy Studies / MEd / Unrestricted

Open seat House of Representatives elections are an area that has not received the same attention as seats with incumbents, despite open seats traditionally providing more interesting results. This research examines partisan change in open seat House races from 2000-2014 in order to determine whether previous research is still applicable in light of changing behavior of open seats in the 2000s. This research found that since 2004 partisan change has occurred more often with incumbents being defeated and not due to open seats. A logit model was used with partisan change as the dichotomous dependent variable, a unique approach to House elections. The model found that candidate spending was the most significant variable in explaining partisan change, while other variables such as district competitiveness, candidate quality, and unemployment were also significant. The model was then used to predict the 2014 House elections, correctly predicting roughly 75% of races. Finally two case studies were examined where the model failed to provide accurate predictions to determine improvements that could be made to future iterations of the model

This thesis provides a comprehensive analysis of midterm U.S. House elections using a multi-level research design. At the aggregate-level, multiple regression analysis is used to examine the variables that affect seat loss for the president’s party. This integrates, updates and extends the extant literature of the topic, and offers a means of explaining and predicting seat losses by the president’s party in the U.S. House. To further probe the findings at the aggregatelevel, the thesis develops a pooled cross-sectional model of individual-level vote choice in midterm U.S. House elections using data from the American National Election Studies (1982- 2002) and the Cooperative Congressional Election Study for the 2006 and 2010 midterm elections. Findings suggest that variables measuring the performance of the economy and realignment of the South toward the Republican Party affect seat loss at the aggregate level. However, at the individual level, economic evaluations exerted little influence on vote choice, above and beyond party identification, although perceptions of the national economy did appear to influence vote choice in the 2006 and 2010 elections. Future research might incorporate the strategic politician thesis into the explanatory scheme and move the analysis to elections for other political offices, such as U.S. Senate elections as well as state legislative and gubernatorial elections.

No description available.

In the Spanish legal system, the workplace employee representation but may have certain similarities with the political representation (regulatory origin, not voluntary for the principal, democratic legitimacy) poses a specificity both the subjective perspective, to be circumscribed workers who make up the constituency, as a material arises as to represent the professional interests shared by a community of individuals united by an identical legal relationship derived from belonging to the same company. Its uniqueness is that this function can be assumed, concurrently, for two types: some representatives of elective basis; others, union base. This legal decision set a pluralistic model of subjects, but strongly interconnected functional dimension, due to differing legal natures. / En el ordenamiento jurídico español, el modelo de representación de los trabajadores en la empresa aunque pueda tener ciertas similitudes con la representación política (origen normativo y no voluntario para el representado, legitimidad democrática) plantea una especificidad tanto desde la perspectiva subjetiva, al quedar circunscrita a los trabajadores que conforman la circunscripción electoral, como material pues surge para la representación de los intereses profesionales compartidos por una colectividad de sujetos unidos por una idéntica vinculación jurídica, derivada de la pertenencia a la misma plantilla. Su singularidad es que esta función puede ser asumida, de manera concurrente, por dos tipos de sujetos: unos representantes de base electiva; otros, de base sindical, configurando con esta decisión legal un modelo pluralista de sujetos que, aunque fuertemente interconectado en su dimensión funcional, obedece a naturalezas jurídicas distintas.

Si les mutations technologiques questionnent l’exercice classique des droits d’action collective, elles renforcent également leur nécessaire existence. La transformation de l’environnement de travail, par l’introduction de nouvelles technologies dans les entreprises et par l’utilisation de ces dernières comme outils de travail ou de communication, invite à repenser l’exercice de ces droits. D’une part, les technologies peuvent servir d’instruments à l’action collective. Elles sont alors susceptibles de prolonger le pouvoir d’agir de ceux qui les utilisent en leur offrant la possibilité d’agir différemment, de communiquer ou de faire pression sur l’entreprise autrement. D’autre part, l’introduction dans l’entreprise des technologies, la mise en place de nouveaux modes d’organisation du travail au moyen des technologies et l’utilisation de ces dernières, emportent un certain nombre de risques pour la communauté de travail. La mise en œuvre des droits d’action collective vise alors à prévenir ces risques et, le cas échéant, à réagir lorsque le risque se réalise. La création de nouvelles communautés de travail, qui n’auraient pu exister sans les technologies, nécessite encore que soient exercés des droits d’action collective pour défendre les intérêts de leurs membres. Il n’en reste pas moins que le régime juridique applicable à l’action collective ne permet pas forcément de répondre à tous ces enjeux. Explorant la manière dont s’appliquent les droits d’action collective dans un environnement exposé aux mutations technologiques, cette étude propose également des pistes d’évolution du droit applicable à l’action collective que les mutations technologiques mettent à l’épreuve. / If technological mutations challenge the classic exercise of collective action rights, they also reinforce their necessary existence. The transformation of the working environment, by the introduction of new technologies in companies and the use of them as working or communication tools, leads to rethink the exercise of these rights. On one hand, technologies can be used as instruments for collective action. Then, they are likely to extend the power of those who use them by offering them the opportunity to act differently, to communicate or to put pressure on the company differently. On the other hand, the introduction of technologies into the company, the implementation of new ways of organizing the work through technologies and the use of them, introduce risks for the working community. Therefore, the implementation of the rights of collective action aims to prevent these risks and, if necessary, to react when the risk is realized. The creation of new working communities, which could not have existed without the technologies, still requires that rights of collective action be provided to defend the interests of their members. Nonetheless, the legal regime for collective action does not necessarily meet all of these issues. While exploring the way in which collective action rights apply in an environment exposed to technological mutations, this thesis also proposes avenues of evolution of the law applicable to collective action that technological mutations put to the test.

List of tables -- Chapter I. Price Daniel: a biographical sketch -- Chapter II. Governor Daniel and the fifty-fifth Texas legislature -- Chapter III. Governor Daniel and the fifty-sixth Texas legislature -- Chapter IV. Governor Daniel and the fifty-seventh Texas legislature -- Chapter V. Techniques used by Governor Price Daniel in Exercising legislative leadership-- Bibliography.

Technology is becoming more central to people’s lives than ever before, and the most widely embraced technological device on the consumer market are mobile phones. This creates an ever-increasing market place for mobile apps, which during 2016 had revenues amounted to 88.3 billion U.S. dollars. The number is expected to increase, and together is estimated to generate 188.9 billion U.S. dollars in revenues 2020. One of the industries affected by this strong online presence is direct selling, where branded mobile apps have started to be used as a sales tool for sales representatives. The apps aim to facilitate the sales representatives’ daily work and bring new opportunities to engage with the end customers in a more convenient way. However, limited research exists about how the sales representatives experience the branded mobile apps in the industry. The purpose of this paper is to explore the sales representatives’ behavior and attitude towards using branded mobile apps within the direct selling industry. This study has been conducted by a quantitative descriptive and exploratory study using a survey. Sales representatives that placed an order exceeding 100 Euros during the last three weeks in five Western culture countries for one direct selling company were targeted. In total, 460 responses were gathered. The result gave some valuable insights although the initial hypothesized benefits could not be confirmed. The findings instead suggest separate items that contributed the most to sales representatives’ satisfaction and purchase intentions. In order to increase satisfaction among sales representatives, branded mobile apps used in direct sales should 1) facilitate the interaction with the company, 2) be easy to navigate with, 3) provide relevant information, 4) be convenient to shop from, and finally 5) work as a good conversation topic in a social context. Further on, the item identified to have the greatest contribution to purchase intentions is how convenient the app is to shop from, i.e. the same as number 4) above. The future challenge for the direct selling industry and its managers is thus to take advantage of these insights and further study how the attributes more practically can be implemented for their business. By focusing on these actions in the creation and development of branded mobile apps, the direct selling industry can expect to achieve higher satisfaction among their sales representatives and also increase their purchase intentions. / Dagens teknik har blivit en allt mer central del i människors liv, och den vanligaste enheten på konsumentmarknaden idag är mobiltelefoner. Detta har skapat en ständigt ökande marknad för mobilappar, som år 2016 genererade 88.3 miljarder U.S. dollar. Antalet appanvändare framöver förväntas att öka, och tillsammans generera 188.9 miljarder U.S. dollar i intäkter år 2020. En av de branscher som påverkats av denna starka närvaro online är direktförsäljning, där appar har börjat användas som försäljningsverktyg för konsulenterna. Apparna syftar till att underlätta konsulenternas dagliga arbete och ge nya möjligheter att engagera sig med slutkunderna på ett lättare och mer fördelaktigt sätt. Dock existerar det lite forskning och kännedom om hur konsulenterna upplever användandet av appar i branschen. Syftet med detta examensarbete är att undersöka försäljningsrepresentanternas beteende och attityd gentemot att använda appar inom direktförsäljningsbranschen. Studien har varit både beskrivande och undersökande, och har genomförts genom en samla in kvantitativ data med hjälp av en enkätundersökning. Kunder som har lagt en order över 100 Euros de tre senaste veckorna i fem västeuropeiska länder för ett direktförsäljningsföretag har studerats. Totalt erhölls 460 svar. Resultatet gav flertalet värdefulla insikter, även om de initiala hypoteserna syftade till att undersöka olika fördelar inte kunde bekräftas. Resultaten föreslår istället separata aspekter med störst påverkan på hur nöjda konsulenterna är, samt deras köpintentioner. För att öka nöjdheten bland konsulenter bör appar som används i direktförsäljning 1) underlätta samspelet med företaget, 2) vara lätta att navigera med, 3) tillhandahålla relevant information, 4) vara bekväm att handla från och slutligen 5) fungera som ett bra samtalsämne i ett socialt sammanhang. Vidare kunde det ses att den identifierade aspekten som bidrar mest till konsultenternas köpintentioner är hur bekvämt appen är att handla från, det vill säga samma aspekt som identifierades för konsulenters tillfredställelse under nummer 4) ovan. Den framtida utmaningen för direktförsäljningsindustrin och dess chefer är således att utnyttja dessa insikter och studera vidare hur dessa aspekter kan lämpas mer i praktiken för deras företag. Genom att fokusera på dessa åtgärder vid skapandet och utvecklingen av appar kan direktförsäljningsindustrin räkna med att erhålla högre tillfredsställelse bland sina konsulenter, samt att även öka deras köpintentioner.

As parlamentares representam os interesses das mulheres? O estudo parte da hipótese, defendida por autoras da teoria política feminista, de que o aumento da representação política feminina nas instituições legislativas teria como consequência a formulação de mais e melhores políticas públicas voltadas para a promoção da igualdade de gênero. As pesquisas empíricas sobre a representação política das mulheres têm se dedicado com maior empenho à dimensão da representação descritiva, ou seja, à análise dos mecanismos de exclusão e à sugestão de alternativas para aumentar a quantidade de mulheres nos parlamentos. Um número menor de trabalhos tem se debruçado sobre a análise da representação substantiva das mulheres, cujo foco é o conteúdo da representação. Esta pesquisa possui propósito duplo: um teórico e outro empírico-descritivo. No plano da teoria política, a pesquisa se propõe a contribuir para o debate sobre a representação política feminina, com base na análise de caso do Congresso Nacional brasileiro, sob a perspectiva da representação substantiva. O segundo objetivo, de teor empírico-descritivo, é entender o papel da bancada feminina da Câmara dos Deputados na formulação e aprovação de projetos de lei relacionados à promoção da igualdade de gênero. A articulação desses dois objetivos acontecerá a partir da aferição empírica da atuação substantiva da bancada feminina e da introdução de distinções analíticas positivas que permitam problematizar e revisar os pressupostos normativos da teoria política feminista. Ao final, será apresentada uma tipologia que permitirá a classificação de proposições legislativas relacionadas à igualdade de gênero. / Do women parliamentarians represent women interests? The study is based on the hypothesis, advocated by authors of feminist political theory, that the increase in female political representation in legislative institutions would result in the formulation of more and better public policies for the promotion of gender equality. Empirical research on women\'s political representation have been dedicated to analyze the descriptive representation, i.e., the analysis of mechanisms of exclusion and alternatives to increase the number of women in parliaments. A smaller number of studies have been working on the analysis of the substantive representation of women, which focuses on the content of the representation. This research has dual purpose: one theoretical and other empirical-descriptive. In terms of political theory, the research aims to contribute to the debate on female political representation, based on case analysis of the Brazilian Congress, from the perspective of substantive representation. The second objective, empirical-descriptive, is to understand the role of the \"bancada feminina\" of the House of Representatives in the formulation and approval of bills related to the promotion of gender equality. The relationship between these two objectives will take place from the empirical assessment of the substantive work of the women\'s bench and from the introduction of positive analytical distinctions that allow discussing and revising the normative assumptions of feminist political theory. At the end, a typology for the classification of legislative proposals related to gender equality will be presented.