Abstract of Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Illinois, 1930. / Vita. Description based on print version record.

Thesis (M.A.)--Georgia State University, 2006. / Allison Calhoun-Brown, committee chair; Michael Binford, Richard Engstrom, committee members. Electronic text (83 p.) : digital, PDF file. Description based on contents viewed May 10, 2207; title from title screen. Includes bibliographical references (p. 75-81).

Throughout the 20th century, Illinois supported winning candidates in twenty-three out of twenty-five presidential elections. However, in the 21st century, Illinois supported winning candidates in two out of five presidential elections. The state’s divergence from national trends followed three partisan shifts that occurred in the mid-to-late 20th and early-21st centuries. These shifts altered the state’s partisan preferences. While the causes of each shift varies, Illinois’s changing demographics, the concentration of its population in the Chicago Metropolitan area, and the rise of the post-industrial economy, caused the state to depart national trends as Illinois increasingly supported Democrats.

Esta tese tem como objeto investigar, no pensamento republicano, como as categorias políticas conflito e interesse foram tratadas. Foram analisadas as obras Os Discursos sobre a Primeira Década de Tito Lívio, de Maquiavel, Oceana, de Harrington, O Contrato Social de Rousseau, Que é o Terceiro Estado?, de Sieyes, O Espírito das Leis, de Montesquieu, Os Artigos Federalistas, de Madison, Hamilton e Jay, e Da Revolução, de Hannah Arendt. Nessa análise, verificou-se que o conflito e o interesse estiveram juntos, no interior da política, no caso de Maquiavel, e fora dela, no caso de Harrington, Rousseau, Sieyes e Montesquieu. Com os Federalistas, conflito e interesse se dissociaram, com o interesse permanecendo no interior da república e o conflito dando lugar à pluralidade. Hannah Arendt preservou a pluralidade, mas retirando novamente o interesse da política. Com isso, verificamos que o conflito deixou de ser uma categoria relevante no pensamento político republicano, enquanto a pluralidade ocupou um lugar definitivo. / This dissertation\'s subject is to research, in the republican thought, how the cathegories conflict and interest have been considered. The work was focused on the following classical books: Discorsi,Oceana, The Social Contract, Rousseau, What is the Third State?,The Spirit of Laws, The Federalist Papers, On Revolution. Analysing them, it was verified that conflict and interest have had been together and in the politics with Machiavelli, an out of politics with Harrington, Rousseau, Sieyes and Montesquieu. With Hamilton, Madison and Jay, conflict and interest were divorced: interest stood in the politics and conflict was left out of it, being replaced by plurality, which become the central political cathegory. Hannah Arendt confirmed it, but her politics is without interests. Despite of this, the final result is conflict as a less relevant cathegory in republican political thought, and plurality as the most important one.

No description available.

The house of the Caecilii Metelli was one of ancient Rome's most prestigious yet overshadowed plebeian families. Replete with dynamic orators, successful generals, and charismatic women, the Caecilii Metelli lived during the period of Rome's great expansion. Having participated in its transformation into the principal power in the Mediterranean, they survived until the fall of the Republic. By contemporary Roman standards they were a powerful and respected family. Seventeen consulships, nine triumphs, nine members of priestly colleges—including three who became pontifex maximus—and five censors are evidence of their high position in Rome. The trappings of magisterial office and military decorations notwithstanding, the Caecilii Metelli were nevertheless often overshadowed on the stage of Roman politics by stronger personalities and did not receive substantial attention in the ancient sources. This study seeks to understand the political connections and activities of the Caecilii Metelli in Republican Rome. While attention must be given to the appropriate social and historical contexts, the focus must always remain on the individuals and their interactions with each other. Each generation of the Metellan family was involved in varying degrees in the political processes of the time. A deeper understanding of the role of the Metelli in these processes shows that the Metelli can be understood as a family of outsiders who successfully attempted to make their presence felt in Roman politics, but were ultimately doomed to fail in the collapse of the Republic. They can serve as a paradigm for understanding the struggles of aristocratic families to maintain power and influence throughout the Roman Republic.

The purpose of this thesis is to examine the origins of the first women's rights convention held at Seneca Falls, NY during the summer of 1848. Taxation without representation was one of the foundations that the Continental Congress used as a basis for Independence from England. But when the revolution ended and the Republic was formed, the United States adopted many English laws and traditions regarding the status of women. Women, who were citizens or could be naturalized, were left civically invisible by the code of laws (coverture) once they married. They were not able to own property, form contracts, sue or be sued. In essence, they were "covered" by their husbands under coverture. Single women who owned property or inherited property were subject to taxation, though they had no voice in the elective franchise. Therefore, women, both married and single, who were counted for legislative purposes, were given no voice in choosing their government representatives. I conclude that there were three bases for women's rights: equity, Republican Motherhood, and women's organizations. The legal concept of equity, the domestic ideology of Republican Motherhood combined with the social model of women's organizations formed the earliest foundation of what would become the first feminist movement, leading directly to the Declaration of Sentiments at Seneca Falls in 1848. Through an analysis of the changes in women's property ownership to the enhancement of the female domestic role in the early nineteenth century, women challenged their place in the public sphere. The sisterhood that was created as a result of the new domestic ideology and improved female education led to the creation of organizations to improve women's place in society. Through an almost fifty year evolution, the earliest women's volunteer organizations became the mid-nineteenth century reform organizations, leading to a campaign for woman's suffrage.

In 1952, affluent white suburban citizens of Birmingham, Alabama voted overwhelmingly in support of Dwight D. Eisenhower. This thesis explores and examines why the emergence of a thriving suburban community that voted Republican occurred. This examination used a collection of numerous sources, primary and secondary. Newspapers served as the most important tool for discovering why the new suburbs aligned to Republicanism. The sources describe a suburban area that aligned with the Republican Party due to numerous reasons: race, Eisenhower’s popularity, the Cold War, and economic issues. Due to those reasons, the election of 1952 began to alter their society and political affiliations. The 1952 presidential election results symbolized the political, cultural, and economic acceptance of the Republican Party, which created a Republican political base in the heart of a Democratic state.

No description available.

This thesis tests the hypothesis that increasing urbanization in the South is positively correlated with rising Republican voting in presidential and gubernatorial races. A measure of urbanization was derived by subjecting socio-economic data from three censuses for all southern counties to factor analysis. This measure was regressed against Republican percentages of presidential vote in 1952, 1960 and 1968, and against GOP percentages in governor's races closest to the census years. The coefficients of correlation were uniformly low, reaching as high as .50 only once in each case. It was concluded that urbanization accounts for little in explaining variation in Republican voting and that contradictory findings are the result of reliance on less powerful analytic techniques, misunderstanding of more powerful ones or inadequate operationalization of key concepts.