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The thesis of this paper is that the evolution of the black vote from Republicanism to the Democratic Party was determined by several causes, and these are the subjects of my paper. Following Lincoln’s Emancipation Proclamation and the end of the Civil War, African Americans in the United States joined the Republican Party and by and large voted for Republican candidates, both in the North and South. Following the end of Reconstruction in 1876, the pressures or renewal of social conservatism, Southern localism, and the re-emergence of so-called “Calhoun” politics, along with main spread interference with African-American voting, all combined to establish the beginnings of a transition from Republican Party affiliation to increasing membership in the Democratic Party.

The purpose of this monograph is to study the early Texas Republican party within the framework of well-known political party functions, i.e., to provide political leadership, recruit governmental personnel, generate public policy, and propagate ideology.

The purpose of this study is to present an historical account of the Liberal Republican movement during the Reconstruction period. The Liberal movement was chosen for investigation because it was the first prominent third party movement in the post-Civil War years. The Liberal Republican movement was less important in shaping the policies of the two major policies than later third party movements, and, in fact, its long range results are almost impossible to trace. By gaining national prominence, however, and by accepting the Democrats in a coalition, the movement did provide a much needed stimulus to the Democratic party and caused the Republicans to reconsider their policies. It also provided an example to later movements that a third party could gain a great deal of support by advocating and working for general political reform.

Master of Arts / Department of History / Derek S. Hoff / In the years immediately after World War II, Dwight D. Eisenhower insisted that he did not want to run for office. However, the general, persuaded by the efforts of Citizens for Eisenhower groups, reversed his decision before the 1952 election. The new politician did not take an easy path to the White House, however, as Senator Robert Taft of Ohio, the leading conservative Republican, fought to represent the GOP. Eisenhower aligned with the moderate faction, the party’s traditional source of power, and joined the Republicans during the early stages of a civil war in the party. From the time Eisenhower received the presidential nomination in 1952 until his death in 1969, he committed himself to leading the GOP and establishing moderate, not conservative, Republicanism as the party’s ideology. However, this aspect of Eisenhower’s political career has largely been ignored by historians. The analyses of Eisenhower that focus on his presidency, rather than his military career, concentrate on policy decisions, omitting the president’s role as party leader during a transformative era. This oversight not only skews Eisenhower’s legacy but also renders analyses of the conservative revolution in American politics incomplete. Before conservative Senator Barry Goldwater secured the Republican nomination in 1964, a very important moment that augured —but did not guarantee — the future triumph of the conservative wing, Eisenhower worked to stop his campaign. Had Eisenhower succeeded, the GOP and American politics could have followed a much different trajectory in the twentieth and twenty-first centuries. Utilizing documents from throughout Eisenhower’s political career, this study argues that although Eisenhower failed to halt conservatism, he influenced the course of the GOP. During the 1950s and 1960s, Eisenhower helped revitalize the party, improved the party’s organization, and contributed to conservatism’s delayed ascendancy. Furthermore, Eisenhower merits recognition as a party leader who worked tirelessly on behalf of moderate Republicanism, not just as a man with impressive coattails for Republicans to cling to during elections.

M.A. / For the past 135 years, four waves of terrorism have arisen. Sparked by various circumstances, the Anarchist, Anti-Colonial, New Left and Religious Waves have plagued the international system. Emerging from these waves are five types of terrorist groups, namely national-separatists, social revolutionaries, religious fundamentalists, religious extremists and right wing groups. Terrorism is therefore not a new phenomenon, but the events of recent years have reflected a dramatic change in its scale and destruction. The 11 September 2001 attacks have precipitated a swell in terrorist literature, especially in the field of counter-terrorism strategy. However, sufficient in-depth analysis of individual terrorist groups remains lacking. In an effort to better understand the workings of terrorism, this study presents a comparative analysis of three terrorist groups originating in three consecutive and overlapping waves of terror. The groups are the Irish Republican Army (IRA), Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC), and Al Qaeda. This study investigates the similarities and differences between the groups and addresses specific aspects of terrorist group analysis, which are important tools of clarification. The “why” of the group is reflected in its historical and socio-political context. The “what” and “how” are explained through the group’s organisation, characteristics and operational methods. Terrorists cannot operate in a vacuum and consequently the actors affecting the groups are also explored. Finally, international responses to the IRA, FARC and Al Qaeda are examined in an effort to determine whether these reactions have any impact on the workings of the groups. A main finding of the study is that despite overt differences there are many underlying similarities between the IRA, FARC and Al Qaeda and although terrorism is dynamic, common indicators do exist that may aid efforts to counter it. If the international community or indeed individual states are to combat terrorist activity, their principal objective should be to understand the terrorist’s background, ambitions and means. The present inquiry is designed with these aspects in mind and is intended to contribute to the field. / Prof. D.J. Geldenhuys

In 2002, John Judis and Ruy Teixeira published The Emerging Democratic Majority, a book that postulated that the United States was in the beginning of a political realignment that would spell the end of the Reagan-era coalition that gave Republicans an electoral advantage on the presidency. The authors claimed an electorate that would favor the Democratic Party would emerge to take its place. Since Senator Barack Obama’s victory in the 2008 presidential election was powered by a coalition that looked much like the one Judis and Teixeira described, it appeared the authors’ thesis was being borne out by actual election results. However, the events of the 2000s and early 2010s have lent both credibility and doubt to this possible realignment, and have drawn attention to the problems of regular realignment theory. Exploring the premise laid out by Judis and Teixeira from their work, The Emerging Democratic Majority, as well as observations about the changing composition of the American electorate, I analyze key groups in the American electorate to determine if these groups are trending more Democratic in presidential and congressional races since the 1988 presidential election. Findings showed several of these groups regularly supported Democratic candidates but did not consistently trend to the Democrats from year to year. Changes across time often depended on match-ups of nonconsecutive years, with Democrats in the year 2008 drawing especially strong support from hypothesized voter groups. While Democrats can count on the support of groups such as voters who achieve high levels of college education or voters with secular outlooks on life, their success still depends highly on candidate quality and advantage on issues and cannot be taken for granted.

O presente trabalho analisa a obra de dois autores positivistas com atuação intelectual, política e social marcante durante os últimos anos do século XIX e primeiros anos do século XX no Brasil: Luís Pereira Barreto e Alberto Sales. Importantes representantes do positivismo paulista, tais autores, guiados por visão cientificista da realidade do país, elaboraram visão peculiar das necessidades de mudanças do país rumo à civilização e ao progresso. A hipótese trabalhada é a de que tais autores expressam, na esfera intelectual, um embate entre diferentes grupos e estratos nacionais interessados em impor à nação seu projeto de modernização, um embate pela hegemonia intelectual em momento de importante transição do país. Desta forma, trabalha-se com a ideia de que tais autores apropriam-se do discurso positivista com interesse sincero de colocar suas percepções e entendimentos em prática e alterar concretamente as condições sociais, econômicas e políticas do país. Discorda- se, deste modo, das análises que compreendem os posicionamentos intelectuais apenas como forma de reorganizar o discurso autoritário ou como modo de crítica ao governo, mais ou menos acentuada, de indivíduos distantes das esferas de poder. / The present study examines the work of two positivist authors with outstanding intellectual, political and social performance during the last years of the nineteenth century and the early years of the twentieth century in Brazil: Luís Pereira Barreto and Alberto Sales. Important representatives of paulista positivism, such authors, led by scientist vision of the reality of the nation, developed peculiar vision of the changing needs of the country towards progress and civilization. A crafted hypothesis is that such authors express, in the intellectual sphere, a contest between different groups and strata national interested in impose to the nation its modernization project, a contest for the intellectual hegemony in a important moment for the country\'s transition. Thus, we work with the idea that such authors appropriated from the positivist discourse with sincere interest to put their perceptions and understandings into practice and change concretely the social, economic and political of the nation. Disagree is thus of the analyzes who understand the intellectual positions only as a way of reorganize the authoritative discourse or as a form of criticism of the government, more or less pronounced, of individuals distant of the spheres of power.

Thesis advisor: Cynthia L. Lyerly / This thesis analyzes the evolution of Abigail Adams's republican thought throughout the course of her life. The transition from a traditional wife of a local lawyer to an articulate and well-informed First Lady can be traced along with the increasing personal hardships she faced in light of the events of the American Revolution and the founding of the United States. Her unique relationship to men leading the Revolution and her own intellectual curiosity led her to a sophisticated understanding of republicanism and a unique interpretation of women's important contributions to the new nation. / Thesis (BA) — Boston College, 2007. / Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences. / Discipline: History. / Discipline: College Honors Program.