This study attempts to examine the architecture in Turkey during the Early Republican period as part of the social, economic and political context of the modernization process of the newly founded state, focusing on the case of the ismet PaSa Girls&amp / #8217 / Institute in Ankara. Firstly, the education of woman in general and the Girls&amp / #8217 / Institutes in particular are scrutinized in order to analyze the changes in the social role of women in the context of modernization in the Early Republic. Secondly, the relationship between women and the built environment is examined with reference to the changes women experienced in this context. The architectural context of the period is analyzed to examine the buildings of the Girls&amp / #8217 / Institutes as contemporary examples of the creation of a modern built environment in Turkey. Lastly, the building of the ismet PaSa Girls&amp / #8217 / Institute is examined in detail, by also making comparisons with other contemporary school buildings in Ankara. The building, which was constructed as a modernist school building by the foreign architect Ernst Egli in the center of Ankara, is evaluated as the representation of modern women and modern architecture for the new nation-state. So, the aim of this study is to assess the ismet PaSa Girls&amp / #8217 / Institute in Ankara as the example of contemporary educational institutions as well as of contemporary architecture in Turkey, corresponding with the attempt of the new nation-state towards modernization.

ABSTRACT ARCHITECTURAL INTERPRETATIONS OF MODERNITY AND CULTURAL IDENTITY: A COMPARATIVE STUDY ON SEDAD HAKKI ELDEM AND BRUNO TAUT IN EARLY REPUBLICAN TURKEY Uysal, Zeynep &Ccedil / igdem M.Arch., Department of Architecture Supervisor: Asst. Prof. Dr. Elvan Altan Ergut July 2004, 163 pages The thesis aims to reveal the decisive influence of the tension that stems from the contemporary searches for cultural identity on the architectural production of the early Republican Turkey. It attempts to demonstrate the conceptual and practical strategies that were devised in contemporary architecture for the resolution of the cultural tension by examining the architectural attitudes and practices of Sedad Hakki Eldem and Bruno Taut in the late 1930s and the early 1940s. In the first part, &lsquo / cultural identity&rsquo / is examined from within the general discussion of &lsquo / modernity&rsquo / , where the relevant phenomena, such as &lsquo / nationalism&rsquo / and the &lsquo / nation-state&rsquo / , are discussed. In the second part, the contextual developments and the architectural production of the early Republican period are examined through the theoretical discussions held in the previous part. In the third part, the architectural attitudes and practices of Sedad Hakki Eldem and Bruno Taut are examined and analyzed as to reveal the conceptual and practical strategies in the resolution of contemporary cultural tension. In the conclusion, the significance of the architectural attitudes of Sedad Hakki Eldem and Bruno Taut is re-stated in terms of their contextually sensitive efforts for the disband of the cultural tension in the light of the recent cultural theory.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Massachusetts Amherst, 2009. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 352-389). Print copy also available.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Pennsylvania, 1935. / On cover: University of Pennsylvania. "The present study concerns itself with those methods which the Philadelphia Republican machine uses in controlling votes."--Introd. Bibliography: p. [169]-173.

Thesis (Ph D.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 1967. / Typescript. Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 305-308).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 1970. / Typescript. Vita. eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Ohio State University, 2005. / Available online via OhioLINK's ETD Center; full text release delayed at author's request until 2006 Aug 15.

abstract: Virtue was a concept of paramount importance in the American founders' republican thought. Without virtue, there could be no liberty, no order, no devotion to the common good, and no republican government. This dissertation examines the concept of virtue at the American founding, particularly virtue in the political thought of Mercy Otis Warren (1728-1814). The most important female intellectual of the Revolutionary generation, Warren wrote passionately about liberty and the beauty of republican ideals. Most important to this study, she consistently advocated the central place of virtue in a free and well-ordered republic. I argue that Warren incorporates three distinct philosophical threads - classical, bourgeois-marketplace, and Christian ideals - in her conception of virtue. I first analyze how Warren uses each of these three threads of virtue throughout her writings. I then examine how she synthesizes these individual threads into a single, cohesive conception of virtue. I argue that Warren consistently merges these ideals into a conception of virtue that she employs to address three pressing political problems of her day: How to motivate reluctant colonists to seek independence; how to check various forms of corruption spreading among the people; and how to counter corruption arising from commercial growth in the new nation. Modern political theorists often argue that these three threads, especially the classical republican and Christian ideals of virtue, are irreconcilable. My analysis shows that to divorce virtue from Christianity in Warren's conception is to rob it of its corrective vigor within republican government. I argue that what Machiavelli and Rousseau wrote out of republican virtue Warren writes back in. In Warren's political thought, virtue serves as the foundation for a stable enduring political system, provides the necessary informal ordering principle for the emerging republic, and offers the means by which the new nation could achieve its millennial destiny. / Dissertation/Thesis / Ph.D. Political Science 2011

This thesis explores the multiple ways women’s capacity for political action was perceived, both by themselves as well as by others, in the early years of the French Revolution. By beginning with women’s journey to Versailles in the October Days of 1789 and concluding with the National Convention’s closure of all women’s political clubs in October 1793, this thesis will suggest that women perceived themselves politically and as viable revolutionary participants, but that these identifications were grounded in and shaped by hegemonic eighteenth-century gender norms, and often demonstrated continuity with their pre-revolutionary identities. In many cases, both men’s and women’s perceptions of women’s appropriate political roles were influenced by idealized standards and gender norms, as exemplified by the fictitious character, Sophie, from Jean-Jacques Rousseau’s 1762 treatise, Emile, or On Education. The ways women rationalized their political inclusion and situated themselves within the developing revolution demonstrate a sense of compromise with the same norms and ideals which were increasingly used to justify their complete exclusion from political life. Through stressing revolutionary ideals such as equality and unity and by underscoring the importance of their complementary revolutionary contributions, women presented a view of themselves as necessary and viable participants in revolutionary politics in a way that, by late October 1793, increasingly seemed to threaten established societal views on the appropriate boundaries of female political life. / Graduate / 2019-08-22

This thesis examines the 1981 hunger strike by republican prisoners in Northern Ireland against the removal of special category status from newly convicted paramilitary prisoners on 1 March 1976, the fast was part of a protest that began in 1976. The thesis opens with an examination of the origins of the Provisional Irish Republican Army in 1969 and the emergence of a younger leadership in the late 1970's, and evaluates the significance of the prisons in Irish history. The development of the prisoners protests ranging from the refusal to put on a uniform and perform prison work to the rejection of sanitary or washing facilities, is analysed. The prisoners demands are examined in the context of British and international law. The campaign in support of the republican prisoners conducted outside the Maze Prison, including the formation of the Relatives Action Committee and the National H-Block/Armagh Committee is surveyed, and the female "dirty" protest at Armagh Prison is examined. The medical, ethical, and moral dilemmas presented by hunger striking are identified and the thesis examines the debate whether the men who died were suicides or martyrs. The 1980 and 1981 hunger strikes are examined with particular attention to the efforts to bring about a compromise with the British government and the factors leading to a new hunger strike in 1981 and to the intervention of the Catholic Church with the prisoners relatives which ended the fast. The hunger strike is analysed regarding its effect internationally in building up republican support, and in the Province where it acted as the base for the future success of Provisional Sinn Fein later in the decade.