The purpose of this essay is to investigate the ideological change of the republican party through their migration, abortion and tax policies based on their presidential candidate’s acceptance speeches between 2000 and 2020. The study then aims to explain the ideological change through the vote maximizing theory of Downs (1957). This will be executed through a descriptive idea analytical method as well as a theory testing case study. The study concludes there have been an ideological change and that the theory offers some explanation regarding the rapid change and the directions of the change, however, not regarding the abortion policy change in 2020.

In November 2020, Puerto Rico, currently a territory of the United States, held a referendum and the majority voted to become a state of the United States of America. Statehood is decided by the U.S. Congress in Washington, D.C. For the 2020 Presidential Election, the Democratic Party platform expressed support for Puerto Rican statehood. Although the official stance on the Republican Party is to support whatever choice the electorate of Puerto Rico votes on in their referendum, many party leaders and members of the Republican Party have spoken out about their opposition to supporting the statehood of the territory. I will be investigating why these party leaders and general party members are against its statehood by looking at the Republican Party’s ideologically derived positions rooted in conservativism and the electoral incentive perspective to not have Puerto Rico as a state. How do leading Republican Party representatives justify their position against the addition of Puerto Rico as a U.S. state? How can the members of the Republican Party’s position on Puerto Rico statehood be understood by both party incentives and disincentives on expected electoral outcomes? It is noteworthy to look at what causes this paradox between the Republican Party’s official stance on Puerto Rican statehood and party leaders’ open opinions on the matter.

This study discusses the poltical parties in the United States. The writer concluded that the question whether the US will ever have a multiple party system as is maintained in European countries, can be answered only by time.

The purpose of this study was to investigate how conservatism affects a person's perception of everyday details. It is hypothesized that there will be a positive correlation between the participants' conservative ratings and the amount of details from the readings they recall that are also conservative. This will also mean that there will be a negative correlation between the participants scoring higher on the conservatism scale and the amount of liberal details they recall. A similar pattern is expected to be discovered pertaining to participants that identify as more liberal. How is this measured? The participants will be asked to rate the their political views on a scale of 1-6, 1 being extremely liberal, and 6 being extremely conservative. A transcript of a political debate will contain views that are both conservative and liberal. Each view will be backed up by details supporting each of a candidate's policies. The transcript will include minor grammatical errors including punctuation, spelling, and tenses, all of which the participant will be asked to correct. Following this will be a mathematical task which will include converting mixed numbers to improper fractions at the difficulty of a fifth grade level. A memory recall task will then be administered to the participants asking them to recall as many of the details from the debate as possible.

This presentation explores the role the Bureau of Refugees, Freedmen, and Abandoned Lands (commonly referred to as the Freedmen’s Bureau) played in western North Carolina’s reconstruction. It may seem ironic that an agency tasked with aiding the adjustment from slavery to free labor was in the southern mountains, but the irony dissipates in light of the evidence. The Conservative Party’s resumption of local control in 1865 led white Unionists to embrace the Republican Party and black political cooperation two years later, a move that would have been impossible without the Freedmen’s Bureau. Its agents represented the most tangible source of federal power in the mountain counties, and as such helped build relationships between black and white mountaineers that allowed the Republicans to sweep the pivotal local and state elections of 1868.

This thesis examines the handling of racial issues in United States political party platforms from 1964 to 2016. The primary objective of this study is to analyze how the two major political parties, the Democratic Party and the Republican Party, have approached issues of race in their platforms. To accomplish this, a content analysis was conducted on the platforms of both parties during this time period. Each reference to race in the platforms was categorized as either "acclaim," "defend," or "attack." "Acclaim" refers to statements that praise racial progress or advocate for policies that benefit marginalized communities. "Defend" refers to statements that seek to justify the party's position on race or defend racial issues, while "attack" refers to statements that criticize the other party's position or policies related to race. The study reveals that the parties have used different strategies to address race. This research is important because it sheds light on the ways in which the two major political parties have addressed one of the most significant issues facing the United States. The findings provide insight into the ideological differences between the parties and offer a historical perspective on the evolution of racial politics in the United States. This research is relevant for scholars and policymakers interested in understanding the role of race in American politics, as well as for activists and advocates seeking to influence policy outcomes related to racial justice.

“‘Law-Abiding Citizens’: How the National Rifle Association’s battle for gun rights shaped the New Right” explicates the development of the gun rights movement and its central role in the modern American Right. In recent decades scholars have explored the contributions of evangelical Christians, business leaders, white southerners, and women to the making of the modern conservative movement and the transformation of the Republican Party. This study establishes the central role of firearms owners and the NRA in the conservative ascendancy. Based on extensive research in congressional collections at the Dolph Briscoe Center, and the papers of Howard Metzenbaum, Roman Hruska, Birch Bayh, and Robert Dole, as well as the Nixon, Ford, and Reagan Presidential Libraries, the National Archives, and substantial research into NRA publications and related documents, the dissertation explores the evolving political strategy of the NRA and the broader gun community to halt gun control from the 1930s to the 1980s. During the 1960s, high-profile assassinations and rising crime rates put pressure on the Johnson, Nixon, and Ford administrations to “do something” about gun violence. The threat of strict federal gun control prompted the NRA and the broader gun rights community to mobilize grassroots action. Its failure to block the Gun Control Act of 1968 sparked a gradual shift within the association. As it moved rightward, its ability to mobilize its substantial membership and deliver votes made it an attractive political partner for the GOP. Long an association of hunters and shooting sportsmen devoted to firearms safety and military training in wartime, the struggle over gun control legislation divided and ultimately transformed the NRA. As it shifted its focus from hobby to lobby, the NRA became a foundational element of the New Right, playing a decisive role in the shaping of modern American conservatism. / 2025-06-16T00:00:00Z

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