The historic core of Ankara, has been subject to a rapid change and deterioration increasingly after 1950s, losing most of its original qualities. This thesis analyzes the spatial evolution of the historic city from 1839 to 1940s with the objective to restitute the preexisting urban fabric and the transformation that took place before 1950s. The Early Republican period was critical in the transformation of the historic core as well as in the development of Ankara that was to be shaped as the &lsquo / model city&rsquo / for other Turkish cities. The Old City, which constituted the center of the new capital is studied with a morphological approach in order to restitute the original form and structure of the physical environment and to clarify the changes in the subsequent periods in relation with the socio-economic and institutional structure. Mainly depending on the cartographic materials belonging to the research periods, the study focuses on the physical evolution of the historic city through comparison on the basis of three principal items: urban fabric, urban circulation network and land use pattern. Situating the historic core within the whole Ankara, the research puts special emphasis on the impact of fires and the effects of the planning activity in the related period. The morphological analysis illustrated that the historic core of Ankara was subject to a substantial transformation during the Early Republican period as a result of the interventions brought by the reconstruction plans and piecemeal decisions.

Abstract Decimal time. Analysis of a rational reform. Decimal tideräkning. Analys av ett rationellt förslag. Christina Rydberg    University of Stockholm. History of ideas. Bachelor’s study. Autumn 2014 Mentor: Elisabeth Mansén   The aim of this study is to try to understand why the late 18th century French attempt to introduce decimal time was a failure. The question is whether there are substantial differences to be seen when compared to the rest of the reforms, like the meter. What part did politics, science, implementation, design and public opinion play in the outcome? The study draws on primary sources on decimal time, such as minutes of the French Convention and Senate (Gallica data base), as well as secondary sources on the contemporary reforms. There are few studies on decimal time; but those of Michel Froeschlé and Lars Nystedt introduce important aspects. Literature is otherwise mainly focused on the spatial reforms and especially on definition and introduction of the meter. The method used is close reading with the purpose of identifying arguments and circumstances relevant to the outcome of the reform.  The result of this study concurs with prior research in the impression that the “revolutionary” halo of the calendar discredited decimal time, especially in other countries. Also confusion was created by old names given to the new hours and minutes. The watchmakers disliked not being able to sell their stock of handicraft. Finally, most people disliked fewer days off. This study further argues that the reform was given away by the French Convention in order to save the rest of spatial metric reforms including decimalization. It also highlights the ambiguity with which the reform was abolished by the politicians. The metric reforms had meant creating standards, defining units and agreeing on what mathematical base to be used. It is important to note that the arguments for abolishing decimal time were less negative to decimalization than to other parts of the reform. The study suggests that if the French reform on time had been limited to the decimal dimension alone, the possibilities for success could have been greater. Instead decimal time was introduced as part of a revolutionary era and disappeared with the persons who created this vision.   Key words: Decimal time, metric reform, Republican calendar, 18th century, French revolution

To understand the dynamics of legislative gridlock, as well as account for the mixed and often conflicting findings in the divided government literature, this paper posits that the previous unidimensional approach of using divided government as an explanatory variable of interest fails to accurately reflect the changing realities of American politics since WWII. Two new and interlocking conceptual approaches are introduced that expand the dimensionality of legislative gridlock: ideological polarization explained through the temporal shift of political parties from a party system of moderation and universalistic policy outputs, to one where particularistic goals became much more common. As studies of divided government center on temporally-bound concepts, they ignore most of the inter- and intra-party variation evident throughout the latter 20th century. / text

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Thesis (M.S. in Defense Analysis)--Naval Postgraduate School, December 2008. / Thesis Advisor(s): Lee, Doowan. "December 2008." Description based on title screen as viewed on January 28, 2009. Includes bibliographical references (p. 131-133). Also available in print.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Washington, 2004. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 178-191).

The Diocese of Alagoas was created at July 2, 1900 through the Papal Bull Postremis hisce temporibus of Pope Leo XIII. It was an old dream of the Province of Alagoas, which only came true during the republican period. With the separation of Church and State in Brazil by Decreto 199-A of January 7, 1890, the Padroado had become extinct and Church had deal with this new reality without the “official” support from the Republican Government. The scope of this research is to undertake an analysis of the creation process of the Diocese of Alagoas, from its first proposal in the early nineteenth century until its consolidation, with the bishopric of Dom Antônio Brandão. One notes that the good relationship between Church and State in Alagoas was against to the prevailing situation in the Republic’s politics, which was noticeably positivist and secular. Despite presenting peculiarities at this time of separation, the case of Alagoas was not unique. One of the goals of this research is to better understand how the imbricated affinity between religion and politics occurred at Alagoas territory in the beginning of century XX. To help us comprehend the religious experience of the faithful of Alagoas and the way how the alliance between the Catholic Church and the secular State in Alagoas in the first years of the Republic in the United States of Brazil we will follow closely the formative year of Dom Antônio Brandão, the prelate responsible of the creation of the Bishopric of Alagoas. / O Bispado de Alagoas foi criado, em 2 de julho de 1900, através da bula Postremis hisce temporibus, pelo Papa Leão XIII. Era um “antigo sonho” da Província das Alagoas que somente foi concretizado no período republicano. Após a ruptura entre Estado e Igreja no Brasil, com o Decreto 119-A, de 7 de janeiro de 1890, o Padroado estava extinto e, a Igreja precisou lidar com esta nova realidade sem o apoio “oficial” do Governo da República. Esta pesquisa tem como escopo empreender uma análise do processo de criação do Bispado de Alagoas, desde o início do século XIX, quando surgiu o primeiro projeto para tal intento (1819) até a fase de consolidação com Dom Antônio Brandão, seu primeiro Bispo. Percebe-se que as “boas” relações entre Igreja e Estado nas Alagoas, foram de choque à conjuntura vigente na política nacional da República, marcadamente positivista e laica. Num tempo de separação entre essas duas esferas, o caso alagoano apresentou peculiaridades, apesar de não ter sido o único. Um dos objetivos deste estudo é compreender melhor como se deu a imbricada afinidade entre religião e política no território Alagoano, no início do século XX. A consolidação do Bispado, recém-criado, ficou a cargo do Bispo alagoano Dom Antônio Brandão. Seguir o itinerário formativo deste Prelado, marcadamente ultramontano, ajudou na compreensão da vivência religiosa dos fiéis alagoanos e a maneira como foi forjada a aliança entre Igreja Católica e Estado laico nas Alagoas dos primeiros anos da República dos Estados Unidos do Brasil.

Troça e Campanha no discurso de Lima Barreto: imagens urbanas das relações sociais de sexo no Rio de Janeiro da virada do novecentos aborda as tensões entre misoginia e resistência nas relações sociais de sexo, no tempo-espaço das décadas iniciais da Primeira República na cidade do Rio de Janeiro. Na perspectiva da História Política renovada, a pesquisa insere-se na linha de Política e Cultura e assume o caminho teórico-metodológico interdisciplinar, acolhendo as contribuições da teoria da Análise do Discurso de base francesa para a interpretação das fontes documentais. O corpus de análise é o discurso de Afonso Henriques de Lima Barreto, referenciado nas crônicas publicadas originalmente em periódicos cariocas. À medida que propõe novos caminhos e novas abordagens para o debate acadêmico contemporâneo acerca do entrecruzamento dos olhares entre História e Linguagem, a tese pode ser considerada inédita. / Mockery and Campaign on Lima Barretos discourse: urban images of social relations of sex in the Rio de Janeiro of the early 1900s brings up some tensions between misogyny and resistance in social relations of sex, during the First Republic inaugural period in Rio de Janeiro city. Considering the perspective of a renewed Political History, the research is carried out into Politics and Culture line, and it is theoretical and methodologically placed in the inter-disciplined field which receives the contribution of French Analysis of Discourse to the interpretation of the documentary sources. Afonso Henriques de Lima Barretos discourse comes to be the analyzed corpus, which is based on chronicles that was originally published in carioca periodicals. As far as it proposes new paths and new approaches concerning the contemporaneous academic debate about History and Language reciprocal intersections, the thesis may reach an innovatory purpose.

Troça e Campanha no discurso de Lima Barreto: imagens urbanas das relações sociais de sexo no Rio de Janeiro da virada do novecentos aborda as tensões entre misoginia e resistência nas relações sociais de sexo, no tempo-espaço das décadas iniciais da Primeira República na cidade do Rio de Janeiro. Na perspectiva da História Política renovada, a pesquisa insere-se na linha de Política e Cultura e assume o caminho teórico-metodológico interdisciplinar, acolhendo as contribuições da teoria da Análise do Discurso de base francesa para a interpretação das fontes documentais. O corpus de análise é o discurso de Afonso Henriques de Lima Barreto, referenciado nas crônicas publicadas originalmente em periódicos cariocas. À medida que propõe novos caminhos e novas abordagens para o debate acadêmico contemporâneo acerca do entrecruzamento dos olhares entre História e Linguagem, a tese pode ser considerada inédita. / Mockery and Campaign on Lima Barretos discourse: urban images of social relations of sex in the Rio de Janeiro of the early 1900s brings up some tensions between misogyny and resistance in social relations of sex, during the First Republic inaugural period in Rio de Janeiro city. Considering the perspective of a renewed Political History, the research is carried out into Politics and Culture line, and it is theoretical and methodologically placed in the inter-disciplined field which receives the contribution of French Analysis of Discourse to the interpretation of the documentary sources. Afonso Henriques de Lima Barretos discourse comes to be the analyzed corpus, which is based on chronicles that was originally published in carioca periodicals. As far as it proposes new paths and new approaches concerning the contemporaneous academic debate about History and Language reciprocal intersections, the thesis may reach an innovatory purpose.

Through an examination of several episodes we will study the persistence of the practice of duels and honor fights in the political atmosphere of republican Peru. Each episode reveals different interests which aimed to maintain the duel as a mechanism to avoid or limit freedom of expression or debate. A good number of members of the political and social elite defended dueling in the press as an acceptable practice even though it was penalized by government law. This attitude can be seen as concomitant with repression of political organizations in the country and the maintaining of a type of patriarchal domination which called for the prolonged exclusion of women from citizenship. / Mediante una serie de episodios, en este artículo se examina la persistencia de la práctica del duelo y los lances de honor en la esfera política en el Perú republicano. Cada episodio muestra los diversos intereses que procuraban mantener el duelo como mecanismo para evitar y limitar la libertad de expresión y el debate. Una buena parte de la elite política y social, por medio de la prensa, insistió en que el duelo era una práctica aceptable pese a que estaba penada por las leyes del Estado. Esta actitud puede verse como concomitante con la represión de la organización política en el país y al mantenimiento de un tipo de dominación patriarcal que requería la prolongada exclusión de las mujeres de la ciudadanía