Thesis--Freie Universität, Berlin. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references (p. 5-7).

No século IX, Agobardo, arcebispo de Lyon, criticou os juízos de Deus, principalmente os duelos judiciários, pronunciando que eles eram contrários à doutrina cristã. Boa parte da historiografia moderna considerou a obra do arcebispo como avançada para o seu tempo, associando indevidamente as críticas do prelado aos diagnósticos historiográficos que concebiam os ordálios e duelos como supersticiosos, bárbaros etc; qualificações essas que não foram utilizadas pelo arcebispo em sua crítica aos juízos de Deus. Em nossa dissertação, pretendemos, em um primeiro momento, demonstrar o lugar e a função dos ordálios e duelos no âmbito judiciário, a partir de exemplos da legislação franca. Defendemos que os juízos de Deus foram mecanismos utilizados de maneira excepcional e tinham a função de constituir uma decisão definitiva. A partir daí, buscamos evidenciar que muitas das considerações historiográficas sobre os escritos de Agobardo de Lyon contra os ordálios e duelos não precisaram os fundamentos da crítica do arcebispo, generalizando-a como se ela fosse uma guerra às superstições. Desse modo, nos concentramos na análise dos escritos do arcebispo, o Adversus legem Gundobadi e o De Divinis Sententiis contra Iudicium Dei, para destacar tanto os motivos de sua refutação aos ordálios e duelos, quanto a sua concepção de império e de sociedade cristã. / In the ninth century, Agobard, archbishop of Lyon, criticized the judgments of God, especially the judicial duels, pronouncing that they were contrary to the Christian doctrine. Most of the modern historiography considered the writings of the archbishop advanced for its time, associating unduly the prelates critics to the historiographical diagnostics that conceived the ordeals and duels as superstitious, barbaric etc; these qualifications that were not used by the archbishop in his criticism of judgments of God. In our thesis, at first, we intend to show the position and the function of ordeals and duels on the judicial sphere, through examples of frank legislation. We argue that the judgments of God were procedures used in a exceptional manner and had the function of constituting a final decision. From that point, we try to show that much of historiographical considerations on the writings of Agobard against the ordeals did not have perceive the grounds of Agobards criticism, generalizing it as if it were a war against the superstitious. Thus, we focus on the analysis of the works of the archbishop, the Adversus legem Gundobadi and the De Divinis Sententiis Contra Iudicium Dei, to highlight the reasons for his rebuttal to ordeals and duels as well his conception of empire and Christian society.

Submitted by Noeme Timbo (noeme.timbo@metodista.br) on 2018-03-20T16:13:29Z No. of bitstreams: 1 RobsonAlmeida.pdf: 950170 bytes, checksum: e52e90d091990a500d026e77e72d94ae (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-03-20T16:13:29Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 RobsonAlmeida.pdf: 950170 bytes, checksum: e52e90d091990a500d026e77e72d94ae (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-09-21 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / This written work aims to addres the theme of Magic in the Mediterranean World at the period of Early Christianity. The Magic, wich, by its supernatural caracther, arouses interest and show the ways of relationship between human and sacred, at the same time that reveals several tensions and comprehensions about the popular religion´s practice. So, we construe the relationship between Magic and Miracle as so as the relationship of Magic and Religion. For this, we approach texts of Magic duels at canonical narratives, like Acts Of The Apostles 8. 4-25, that show common elements with the imagination of Early Christianity wich increase the tensions beteween Magicians and Apostles and enrich the presence and importance of the themeof Magic in the Mediterranean culture at the first centuries of the Christian Era. Especially in the face of this rivarly between thaumaturges, we can see the danger that Magic represented to the nascent Christianity and its identity in formation and the stratchs that the Magic bring for the teaching of the Apostles. So, after to broach the Magic elements at different narratives, we turn our attention to the Acts of Apostles, looking for the understanding of the importance of Luke´s narrative for the community of Early Christianity, especially in relation to the stricking and historical figure of Simon, The Magician. Simon was identified, historically, like the prototype heretic, Gnosticism´s father and Christianity´s corrupter, having borrowed his identity to represent all the way of corruptions of the apostolic teatching and ethical and moral deviations in the course of ecclesiastical history / Este trabalho tem como objetivo abordar o tema da magia no mundo mediterrâneo no período do Cristianismo Primitivo. A magia que, por seu caráter sobrenatural, desperta interesse e apresenta as formas de relação entre o humano e o sagrado, ao mesmo tempo em que revela diversas tensões e compreensões a respeito da prática da religiosidade popular. Deste modo, analisamos a relação entre magia e milagre e, também, sua relação com a religião. Para isso, abordamos textos de duelos mágicos tanto em narrativas canônicas, como Atos dos Apóstolos 8.4-25, quanto apócrifas, como Atos de Pedro, que apresentam elementos comuns ao imaginário cristão primitivo reforçando a tensão entre magos e apóstolos, e valorizando a presença e importância do tema na cultura do Mediterrâneo nos primeiros séculos da era cristã. Especialmente, diante dessa rivalidade entre taumaturgos, observamos o perigo que a magia representava em relação ao cristianismo nascente, para sua identidade em formação e o risco que esta oferecia para o ensino dos apóstolos. Assim, após abordar os elementos mágicos em diversas narrativas, voltamos nossa atenção ao texto canônico de Atos dos Apóstolos buscando compreender a importância da narrativa lucana para a comunidade do cristianismo nascente, especialmente em relação à figura marcante e histórica de Simão, o Mago. Simão, historicamente, foi identificado como o protótipo do herege, pai do gnosticismo e corruptor do cristianismo, tendo sua identidade “emprestada” para representar toda forma de corrupção dos ensinamentos apostólicos e desvios éticos e morais no decorrer da história eclesiástica.

Through an examination of several episodes we will study the persistence of the practice of duels and honor fights in the political atmosphere of republican Peru. Each episode reveals different interests which aimed to maintain the duel as a mechanism to avoid or limit freedom of expression or debate. A good number of members of the political and social elite defended dueling in the press as an acceptable practice even though it was penalized by government law. This attitude can be seen as concomitant with repression of political organizations in the country and the maintaining of a type of patriarchal domination which called for the prolonged exclusion of women from citizenship. / Mediante una serie de episodios, en este artículo se examina la persistencia de la práctica del duelo y los lances de honor en la esfera política en el Perú republicano. Cada episodio muestra los diversos intereses que procuraban mantener el duelo como mecanismo para evitar y limitar la libertad de expresión y el debate. Una buena parte de la elite política y social, por medio de la prensa, insistió en que el duelo era una práctica aceptable pese a que estaba penada por las leyes del Estado. Esta actitud puede verse como concomitante con la represión de la organización política en el país y al mantenimiento de un tipo de dominación patriarcal que requería la prolongada exclusión de las mujeres de la ciudadanía

No século IX, Agobardo, arcebispo de Lyon, criticou os juízos de Deus, principalmente os duelos judiciários, pronunciando que eles eram contrários à doutrina cristã. Boa parte da historiografia moderna considerou a obra do arcebispo como avançada para o seu tempo, associando indevidamente as críticas do prelado aos diagnósticos historiográficos que concebiam os ordálios e duelos como supersticiosos, bárbaros etc; qualificações essas que não foram utilizadas pelo arcebispo em sua crítica aos juízos de Deus. Em nossa dissertação, pretendemos, em um primeiro momento, demonstrar o lugar e a função dos ordálios e duelos no âmbito judiciário, a partir de exemplos da legislação franca. Defendemos que os juízos de Deus foram mecanismos utilizados de maneira excepcional e tinham a função de constituir uma decisão definitiva. A partir daí, buscamos evidenciar que muitas das considerações historiográficas sobre os escritos de Agobardo de Lyon contra os ordálios e duelos não precisaram os fundamentos da crítica do arcebispo, generalizando-a como se ela fosse uma guerra às superstições. Desse modo, nos concentramos na análise dos escritos do arcebispo, o Adversus legem Gundobadi e o De Divinis Sententiis contra Iudicium Dei, para destacar tanto os motivos de sua refutação aos ordálios e duelos, quanto a sua concepção de império e de sociedade cristã. / In the ninth century, Agobard, archbishop of Lyon, criticized the judgments of God, especially the judicial duels, pronouncing that they were contrary to the Christian doctrine. Most of the modern historiography considered the writings of the archbishop advanced for its time, associating unduly the prelates critics to the historiographical diagnostics that conceived the ordeals and duels as superstitious, barbaric etc; these qualifications that were not used by the archbishop in his criticism of judgments of God. In our thesis, at first, we intend to show the position and the function of ordeals and duels on the judicial sphere, through examples of frank legislation. We argue that the judgments of God were procedures used in a exceptional manner and had the function of constituting a final decision. From that point, we try to show that much of historiographical considerations on the writings of Agobard against the ordeals did not have perceive the grounds of Agobards criticism, generalizing it as if it were a war against the superstitious. Thus, we focus on the analysis of the works of the archbishop, the Adversus legem Gundobadi and the De Divinis Sententiis Contra Iudicium Dei, to highlight the reasons for his rebuttal to ordeals and duels as well his conception of empire and Christian society.

Revised version of doctoral thesis, 1991. / Includes bibliographical references (p. [485]-501) and index.

Revised version of doctoral thesis, 1991. / Includes bibliographical references (p. [485]-501) and index.

This document contains a meta-commentary on the article that I co-authored with Dr. Corry Cropper entitled Breaking the Duel's Rules: Brantôme, Mérimée, and Melville, that will be published in the next issue of Essays in French Literature and Culture, and an annotated bibliography of primary and secondary sources featuring summaries and important quotes dealing with duels, honor, honor codes, cheating, historical causality, chance, and sexuality. Also, several examples of film noir are cited with brief summaries and key events noted. The article we wrote studies two instances of cheating in duels: one found in Brantôme's Discours sur les duels and the other in Prosper Mérimée's Chronique du règne de Charles IX, and the traditional, as well as anti-causal, repercussions they had. Melville's Le Deuxième souffle is also analyzed with regards to the Gaullist Gu Minda and the end of the aristocratic codes of honor that those of his generation dearly respected but that were overcome by the commercial world of republican law and order.

Au XVIe siècle, nous assistons à deux types de récits criminels : dans la presse, les faits divers, produits sous la forme de « canards », et dans la littérature, les histoires tragiques, forme narrative brève essentiellement véridique et à tonalité pathétique. Lorsque Pierre Boaistuau, appelé aussi Launay, publie Les Histoires tragiques, il sélectionne six récits parmi les Novelle de Matteo Bandello. Le travail de Boaistuau ne se limite pas à la traduction de ces textes mais également à la fondation d’un genre qu’est l’histoire tragique. François de Belleforest, son ami, en poursuit la traduction et en varie les sources ; il publie entre 1559 et 1582 sept volumes d’histoires tragiques. Notre étude porte sur la justice, un thème clé pour comprendre les textes de ces deux auteurs. En effet, leurs récits révèlent un intérêt particulier pour les différentes formes de justice (humaine, naturelle et divine), pour le procès judiciaire et ses protagonistes. Nous analysons tous ces points ainsi que le thème de la transgression à travers différents crimes, principalement les crimes de paillardise (« macquerellage », rapt, viol et adultère). Notre réflexion porte également sur le châtiment et ses fonctions ainsi que sur le comportement du condamné au moment de son exécution. Enfin, nous nous intéressons aux stratégies discursives déployées par nos auteurs notamment à la rhétorique judiciaire et à la rhétorique délibérative. Les enjeux soulevés à travers l’étude du discours rhétorique permettent d’explorer les liens entre le discours judiciaire et le discours politique et donc entre justice et politique. Somme toute, la dernière partie de notre travail permet de cerner les rapports entre rhétorique, justice et politique. / In the sixteenth century, two types of criminal narratives predominate: short news items in the press, printed separately as canards, and brief narrative literary forms that constitute the tragic story genre, combining truth with a tone of pathos. When Pierre Boaistuau, also called Launay, publishes Les Histoires tragiques, he selects six stories from Matteo Bandello’s Novelle. Boaistuau's work is not limited to the translation of these texts but also establishes the tragic story genre. His friend François de Belleforest continues the translation and varies the sources; between 1559 and 1582 he published seven volumes of tragic stories. My thesis focuses on justice, a key theme for understanding the texts of these two authors. Indeed, their stories reveal a particular interest in the different forms of justice (human, natural and divine), in the judicial process and in its protagonists. I analyze all these points as well as the theme of transgression through an examination of various crimes, mainly crimes of debauchery ("macquerellage" –sex trafficking–, abduction, rape and adultery). I also consider the different functions of punishment as well as the behavior of the convicted person at the time of execution. Finally, I am interested in the discursive strategies deployed by these authors, including judicial rhetoric and deliberative rhetoric. The issues raised through the study of rhetoric make it possible to explore the links between judicial discourse and political discourse and therefore between justice and politics. The summative, final part of our work further elucidates the relationships between rhetoric, justice and politics.