Between 1919 and 1934, as members of China's Guomindang (Nationalist Party) struggled to take control of and transform the country, they increasingly appropriated language and symbols associated with the fallen Qing Dynasty. At the same time, these were accompanied in party discourse by radical appeals that included strong critiques of China's past. In this they were far from unique: studies of nationalisms around the world have found them to combine appeals to the new and the old. Yet in China this combination incited particular controversy, as Guomindang members and others, wrestling with the cultural legacy of the empire, put forward powerfully radical critiques not only of the culture of the past but also of traditionalist appeals to it. The result was distinctive textual practices I term 'revolutionary traditionalism', which appropriated cultural elements of the imperial orthodoxy while reconciling these appropriations with radical language. Yet this revolutionary traditionalism could not unproblematically form a unified modern nationalist orthodoxy. Radical and traditionalist positions in regard to culture recurred through power struggles within and beyond the party. Through these struggles, by the end of the 1920s revolutionary traditionalism came to characterise the new Nationalist Government formed by Guomindang members in Nanjing. While like other nationalists Guomindang members reinvented the language and symbols to which they appealed, however, the case of Confucius shows that they could not unilaterally control these reinterpretations. The central place of Confucius in national culture was established through a process of negotiation, as groups identifying themselves as 'Confucian' petitioned the state, appropriating its own traditionalist discourse, for recognition and commemoration. Yet these Confucians, pursuing their own often religious agendas, also cast doubt on the authenticity of the state's commitment. Revolutionary traditionalism thus remained unstable, repeatedly challenged both from radical and traditionalist positions.

This qualitative interview study was designed to explore with Trans-Spectrum college students, including graduates, current students, and dropouts, how they have conceptualized and made meaning of their experiences in traditionally Red States since the 2016 U.S. Presidential Election. This study resulted in recommendations that would enable administrators in both community colleges and four-year institutions to implement specific practices to improve learning environments and access to resources for Trans-Spectrum college students. The researcher based this study on three principal assumptions: (1) there is a population of Trans-Spectrum college students in these Red States. Although no data exist on the number of transgender students in higher education per state, these students must exist. (2) Trans-Spectrum college students in these Red States face an array of challenges every day both on and off campus from bullying and family struggles to financial struggles to suicidality. (3) The 2016 U.S. Presidential Election had a negative impact on these participants’ college experiences. Interviews conducted with 25 participants comprised the primary data for this study. Participants included students presently attending community college; students presently attending four-year institutions; recent graduates of both community colleges and four-year institutions; and students who departed college. A document review also yielded data. The findings regarding the experiences of Trans-Spectrum college students in Red States since the 2016 U.S. Presidential Election were: (1) A strong majority of participants described their overall college experiences as being shaped by an uncertain and unpredictable learning environment. (2) A strong majority of participants indicated that the 2016 U.S. Presidential Election had a compromising effect on their safety and well-being on campus and in their community. (3) All participants described experiencing issues related to access to resources, campus-wide illiteracy on trans issues, and race and gender identity, while an overwhelming majority of participants described having mental health issues. A strong majority reported incidents of being bullied on campus and in the college community. (4) An overwhelming majority of participants identified a support system as a significant factor in helping them learn to overcome their challenges. The key recommendations that emerged from this study were: (1) Community Colleges should create an Intake Form on which students have the option to self-identify in terms of sexual orientation and gender identity. This will enable these colleges to track data on completion, persistence, and retention of Trans-Spectrum students. (2) Both community colleges and four-year institutions should invest more in mental health services and consider investing more resources in on-campus mental health personnel and resources. (3) Both community colleges and four-year institutions should build community partnerships to provide more resources for Trans-Spectrum students.

California has been traditionally a Republican state, yet the Republicans have been unable to regain their traditional dominance since their defeat in 1958. The 1958 election represented a fundamental shift in the nature of California politics. More than that, the defeat of the Republicans pointed up a fundamental weakness in the Republican party.

What explains the difference between the county level vote received by President Donald Trump and U.S. Senator Marco Rubio in the 2016 Florida general election? Over the last couple of decades, Florida has earned a reputation for being a highly competitive state that impacts control of the White House and congress. As Florida’s electorate becomes increasingly diverse, will the Democratic Party begin to win more often as their usual base grows, or will the Republican Party figure out a way to remain competitive? The 2016 general election presents an opportunity to analyze the structure of support for two Republican candidates who represent different paths for the future of the Republican Party: Trump, who won Florida by just one percent, and seemingly alienated Hispanics and women with his comments and policy proposals; or Rubio, who won by about eight percent, a Cuban-American thought to be a fresh voice for the GOP and a bridge to Hispanic voters. Regression analysis is used to examine support for Trump and Rubio and also the difference in support between the candidates. The results indicate Trump did better in counties with larger percentages of lower educated whites, lower income households, and higher unemployment rate. Rubio performed better than Trump in counties with larger numbers of Cuban and non-Cuban Hispanics, women, and voters not registered with either major party. These results suggest that Democrats may gain ground in Florida over time if the Trump wing of the GOP takes over the party and if current population trends continue.

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Why is black partisan identification so one-sidedly Democratic forty years past the Civil Rights movement? A black/non-black political dichotomy manifests itself through one-sided African-American partisanship. Racial consciousness and Republican hostility is the basis of the black/non-black political dichotomy, which manifests through African-American partisanship. Racial consciousness forced blacks to take a unique and somewhat jaundiced approach to politics and Republican hostility to black inclusion in the political process in the 1960s followed by antagonism toward public policy contribute to overwhelming black Democratic partisanship. Results shown in this dissertation demonstrate that variables representing economic issues, socioeconomic status and religiosity fail to explain partisan identification to the extent that Hostility-Consciousness explains party identification.

Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI) / Although the main emphasis of this study is Lane and his part in the Republican Party, another important part to this thesis is the examination of Indiana and national politics in the 1850s. This thesis studies the development of the Hoosier Republican Party and the obstacles the young organization experienced as it transformed into a major political party. Party leaders generally focused on states like New York and Pennsylvania in national elections but Indiana became increasingly significant leading up to the 1860 election. Though Hoosier names like George Julian and Schuyler Colfax might be more recognizable nationally for their role in the Republican Party, this thesis argues that Lane played a guiding role in the development of the new third party in Indiana. Through the study of primary sources, it is clear that Hoosiers turned to Lane to lead the organization of the Republican Party and to lead it to its success in elections. Historians have long acknowledged Lane’s involvement in the 1860 Republican National Convention but fail to fully realize his significance in Indiana throughout the 1850s. This thesis argues that Lane was a vital leader in Hoosier politics and helped transform the Republican Party in Indiana from a grassroots movement into a powerful political party by 1860.