POTENTIAL FOR POPULAR DISSEMINATION: AN ANALYSIS OF THE &amp / #8216 / IDEAL HOME&amp / #8217 / DISCOURSE IN THE WEEKLY YEDiG&Uuml / N MAGAZINE TUNCER, Melike Usalp M.Arch. in Architecture, Department of Architecture Supervisor: Assoc. Prof. Dr. Ali Cengizkan April 2006, 179 pages The social transformations beginning by the end of the nineteenth century and the political and economic changes of the Early Republican Era (1923-1938) and the Transition Era (1938-1950) had important effects on Turkish architecture. The effects of the &amp / #8216 / new&amp / #8217 / and &amp / #8216 / ideal&amp / #8217 / life accelerated by the establishment of the new democratic nation state brought rapid changes and transformations to all aspects of life including housing. This study deals with the housing discourse in Yedig&uuml / n magazine which was published weekly during the single party era of the Republic. It was published weekly from 1933 to 1950 and was followed by a wide portion of the society, as an important popular magazine of the era. Its effort to present articles, pictures and news on housing and decoration for 17 years, with only short interruptions, makes it necessary to investigate these popular architectural products. In this study, it is claimed that the visual and the written material of Yedig&uuml / n magazine, related to house, is part of the theme of what is called &amp / #8216 / ideal home&amp / #8217 / . The investigation and analysis of the &amp / #8216 / ideal home&amp / #8217 / 2 discourse in Yedig&uuml / n magazine as a whole is useful in improving one&amp / #8217 / s understanding of the modernization practices of the newly established Republic of Turkey. Two methods are used in order to understand the visual and written materials in the magazine: the first one is the Visual Analysis Method described in the book &amp / #8216 / Reading Images: The Grammar of Visual Analysis&amp / #8217 / by Gunther Kress and Theo van Leuween. The aim by using this method is to decipher the relationship of the representative medium with the reader, treat the material as a whole. The second method is the analysis of the whole material in the context in relation with the architectural, political, social and economical events of the period, to investigate the construction processes of the discourse. Therefore, this study aims at understanding the action-reaction potential of the tools of the &amp / #8216 / ideal home&amp / #8217 / discourse of the Yedig&uuml / n magazine, by deciphering the visual and written material. Some results of the thesis show us that / both Arkitekt and Yedig&uuml / n magazines follow the agenda of the foreign publications in a similar way / the foundation for a sort of &amp / #8216 / collective union&amp / #8217 / namely &amp / #8216 / housing cooperatives&amp / #8217 / was set, by keeping individual home acquisition constantly on the agenda / problems of the new and modern life were tried to be addressed by Yedig&uuml / n as well as in the current architectural publications / these home presentations may be judged as &amp / #8216 / a catalogue of idealized ideas&amp / #8217 / or &amp / #8216 / two dimensional advice manual&amp / #8217 / , for early Republican Era home icons.

In this study five individuals who worked in Svenska Israelsmissionen and at the Swedish Theological Institute in Jerusalem are focused. These are Greta Andrén, deaconess in Svenska Israelsmissionen from 1934 and matron at the Swedish Theological Institute from 1946 to 1971, Birger Pernow, director of Svenska Israelsmissionen from 1930 to 1961, Harald Sahlin director of the Swedish Theological Institute in 1947, Hans Kosmala director of the Swedish Theological Institute from 1951 to 1971, and finally H.S. Nyberg, Chair of the Swedish board of the Swedish Theological Institute from 1955 to 1974. The study uses theoretical perspectives from Hannah Arendt, Mahmood Mamdani and Rudolf Bultmann. A common idea among Lutheran Christians in the first half of 20th century Sweden implied that Jews who left Europe for Palestine or Israel were not just seen as refugees or colonialists - but viewed as returnees, to the Promised Land. The idea of peoples’ origins, and original home, is traced in European race thinking. This study is discussing how many of the studied individuals combined superstitious interpretations of history with apocalyptic interpretations of the Bible and a Romantic national ideal. Svenska Israelsmissionen and the Swedish Theological Institute participated in Svenska Israelhjälpen in 1952, which resulted in 75 Swedish houses sent to the State of Israel. These houses were built on land where until July 1948 the Palestinian Arab village Qastina was located. The Jewish state was supported, but, the establishment of an Arab State in Palestine according to the UN decision of Nov 1947 was not essential for these Lutheran Christians in Sweden.  The analysis involves an effort to translate the religious language of the studied objects into a secular language.

Grâce au Good Friday Agreement (GFA) signé en 1998, l’Irlande du Nord connait une période de pacification sans précédent depuis les Troubles (1969-1998). Dans cette situation de post conflit, la violence liée aux affrontements entre groupes paramilitaires et forces de sécurité britannique a très largement diminué. Cependant, de petits groupes paramilitaires républicains s’opposent toujours au traité de paix. Cette thèse a pour objectif comprendre pourquoi les paramilitaires républicains anti-GFA continuent d’utiliser la violence alors qu’ils reconnaissent que, dans le contexte actuel, la lutte armée a peu de chance de conduire à la réunification de l’Irlande. A Belfast, l’analyse spatiale des violences intracommunautaires (perpétuées dans le cadre d’un système de justice alternatif) et des attaques contre les forces de police montre que la stratégie des organisations paramilitaires anti-GFA repose sur la création d’un cycle d’agitation. Il s’agit d’une stratégie de développement locale qui vise à maintenir des territoires d’exception. Ce terme désigne ici des territoires où la normalisation voulue par le processus de paix est limitée par les actions des républicains anti-GFA et où le monopole de la violence légitime est disputé. Cependant, cette stratégie de contrôle du territoire communautaire se heurte à toute une série de problèmes. En effet, les organisations paramilitaires anti-GFA sont de petits groupes fragmentés qui tendent à se diviser dans le temps. Enfin, l’influence des paramilitaires anti-GFA est limitée par un contexte social extrêmement défavorable à la lutte armée, par les actions des forces de sécurité, et par la présence et la stratégie du Sinn Féin. / Thanks to the Good Friday Agreement (GFA) signed in 1998, Northern Ireland knows a period of pacification unknown since the Troubles (1969-1998). In this post-conflict situation, violence in the form of confrontation between paramilitary groups and British security forces has greatly decreased. Nevertheless, small republican paramilitary groups are still opposing the peace treaty. The goal of this dissertation is to understand why republican paramilitaries opposed to the GFA continue to rely on violence while recognizing that, in the current context, armed struggle has little chances of leading to the reunification of Ireland. In Belfast, spatial analysis of intracommunal violence (carried out within an alternative justice system) and attacks against the police indicate that the strategy of the paramilitary organizations opposed to the GFA relies on creating a cycle of unrest. This is a strategy of local development aiming at maintaining territories of exception. This concept here means territories where the normalization sought by the peace process is limited by anti-GFA republicans’ actions and where the monopole of legitimate violence is disputed. This strategy of communal territory control is however facing a series of problems. Anti-GFA paramilitary organisations are indeed small fragmented groups which often splinter overtime. Finally, anti-GFA paramilitary organizations’ influence is limited by a social context extremely unfavourable to armed struggle, by security forces, and by the presence and strategy of the Sinn Féin.

Dans le Triennio 1796-1799 se déroule la courte vie de la République Cisalpine, l’une des unités politiques fondées par Napoléon Bonaparte pendant la Campagne d’Italie. Cette thèse étudie la culture théâtrale et les aspects de la représentation théâtrale qui caractérisent la République Cisalpine et surtout sa capitale, Milan, dans cette conjoncture historique. La thèse avancée concerne l’emploi des pratiques de la représentation théâtrale en tant qu’instrument d’éducation populaire et de diffusion des principes de la Révolution de 1789. Un but poursuivi, avec des intentions différentes, par les autorités françaises autant que par les patriotes italiens qui étaient pour la Révolution Française.L’étude traite trois questions fondamentales : les changements urbanistes et architecturaux qui investissent Milan pendant le Triennio, le théorie et la pratique théâtrale, les fêtes publiques. Les relations culturelles entre Italie et France ont été l’objet d’une attention particulière. La documentation sur laquelle la présente étude est fondée est constituée par des éditions imprimées de pièces théâtrales, des descriptions de fêtes, des édits, des correspondances et des périodiques de l’époque, gardés dans des bibliothèques et des archives milanaises et parisiennes. / In the Triennium 1796-1799 took place the short life of the Cisalpine Republic, one of the political units founded by Napoleon Bonaparte during the Italian Campaign.This work studies the theatrical culture and the performing aspects which characterized the Cisalpine Republic and particularly its capital, Milan, in that historical juncture. The thesis asserted here is about the use of performing practices as an instrument of popular education and spreading of the principles of the 1789 Revolution. This aim was pursued by both French authorities and Italian pro-Revolution patriots.This work tackles three main points: the architectural and urban changes which affected Milan during the Triennio (Triennium), the theory and practice of theatre, the public celebrations. The cultural relations between Italy and France have been investigated with special attention. This study is based on some documents kept in archives and libraries of Milan and Paris, such as printed editions of theatrical plays, records of celebrations, correspondence and periodicals from the age of the Cisalpine Republic.

No description available.

Este trabalho procura mostrar a formação de uma cultura política, no contexto peruano do século XX, a partir da análise de uma parte significativa da imprensa nacional. Constata-se que as diferentes abordagens produzidas pelos segmentos políticos mais importantes, a oligarquia peruana e o Partido Aprista Peruano, contribuíram decisivamente para a proliferação de valores, conceitos e práticas políticas autoritárias, radicais e mesmo violentas através de seus principais veículos de comunicação, respectivamente, os jornais El Comercio e La Tribuna. São, inclusive, co-responsáveis pela frequente imposição de regimes anômalos, como ditaduras civis e militares. Restringindo a pesquisa aos momentos nos quais a liberdade de expressão permitiu o convívio legalizado de ambos periódicos, especialmente entre os anos de 1931/1932 e 1945/1948, estabelece-se uma comparação integral dos conteúdos publicados, percorrendo a trajetória que levou à fixação dos posicionamentos daqueles agentes políticos, sua importância no comportamento político e mesmo o desdobramento das influências por eles exercidas em períodos posteriores. / This work presents the formation of a political culture in the Peruvian context of the 20th century from an analysis of a significant part of the national press. The different approaches used by the most important political segments, the Peruvian oligarchy and the Partido Aprista Peruano, contributed decisively to widespread values, concepts and radical, authoritarian and even violent political practices through the main press, respectively the newspapers El Comercio and La Tribuna. Both were co-responsible for the frequent imposition of anomalous regimes such as military and civil dictatorships. Narrowing the scope of the research to the periods in which freedom of speech enabled the legal co-existence of both newspapers, especially between 1931/1932 and 1945/1948, it is possible to compare the content published to understand the establishment of these two political agents, their importance in the national political behavior as well as the unfolding of their political influences later on in history.

LOBATO, Ana Maria Leite. Templos de civilização no Pará: a institucionalização dos grupos escolares (1890-1910). 2014. 307f. – Tese (Doutorado) – Universidade Federal do Ceará, Programa de Pós-graduação em Educação Brasileira, Fortaleza (CE), 2014. / Submitted by Márcia Araújo (marcia_m_bezerra@yahoo.com.br) on 2015-03-11T13:47:45Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2014_tese_amllobato.pdf: 21389972 bytes, checksum: 5f40d83b96dfc050e2df0bb46a999154 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Márcia Araújo(marcia_m_bezerra@yahoo.com.br) on 2015-03-13T15:27:48Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 2014_tese_amllobato.pdf: 21389972 bytes, checksum: 5f40d83b96dfc050e2df0bb46a999154 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2015-03-13T15:27:48Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2014_tese_amllobato.pdf: 21389972 bytes, checksum: 5f40d83b96dfc050e2df0bb46a999154 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014 / This thesis has the purpose of institutionalization of School Groups in the State of Pará from 1890 to 1910, and republicanism as plot and the school model. The study has its basis in cultural history and had the approach of Micro-history of Ginzburg (1987) and Sword (2006). Within the study of the history of education has been questioned in relation to modern school, along the lines of the civilizing project outlined by the Republic, through the categories: Republicanism and scholastic model Souza (2012). Through the contributions on the concept of "comprehension and appropriation"; beyond the neologism "representância", for defining représentance in Ricoeur (1997/2010), in order to understand what was said and how it was narrated the experience of time, highlighting the significance of what has been ascribed by different subjects in different situations; centrality with the actions of individuals (Weber, 2001). Responding, thus the question-problem: How did the creation of the Group in Primary School Education in the State of Pará (1890-1910), from republicanism and of the school model, in its articulations with the educational, religious and political ideas? With emphasis on the analysis in the narratives expressed, in the primaries documentary sources: reports, regulations, decrees, books, official gazette, letters and newspapers; anchored in Schütze (2010), Ricoeur (2010), Creswell (2007) and Strauss and Corbin (2008). The results show that the Para was the third state to implement school groups, the institutionalization of them started by a municipality in in Alenquer in 1899, from the necessity of reorganization of primary education by 1899 Council Regulation and early twentieth century groups were created in the capital, in a scenario of modernization of the city of Belém, through urbanization, Belle Epoque and the height of the rubber boom. / A presente tese tem como objeto a institucionalização dos Grupos Escolares no Estado do Pará a partir de 1890 até 1910, tendo como enredo o republicanismo e o modelo escolar. O estudo tem suas bases na história cultural e contou com a abordagem da Micro-história de Ginzburg (1987) e Espada (2006). No âmbito dos estudos da história da educação foi problematizado em relação à escola moderna, dentro dos moldes do projeto civilizador traçado pela República, através das categorias: Republicanismo e modelo escolar em Souza (2012). Mediante os aportes sobre o conceito de “compreensão e de apropriação”; além do neologismo “representância”, para a definição de représentance em Ricoeur (1997/ 2010), no sentido de compreender o que foi dito e como foi narrada a experiência do tempo, destacando o significado do que foi atribuído, por diferentes sujeitos em diferentes situações; com centralidade às ações dos sujeitos (WEBER, 2001). Respondendo, assim, à seguinte questão-problema: Como ocorreu a criação do Grupo Escolar na Educação Primária no Estado do Pará (1890-1910), a partir do republicanismo e do modelo escolar, em suas articulações com o ideário pedagógico, religioso e político? Com ênfase à análise nas narrativas expressas, nas fontes documentais primárias: relatórios, regulamentos, decretos, livros, diário oficial, cartas e jornais; ancorada em Schütze (2010), Ricoeur (2010), Creswell (2007) e Strauss e Corbin (2008). Os resultados expressam que o Pará foi o terceiro Estado a implantar os grupos escolares, a institucionalização dos mesmos iniciou por um município do interior, em Alenquer em 1899, a partir da necessidade da reorganização do ensino primário através do regulamento de 1899 e no início do século XX foram criados os grupos na capital, num cenário de modernização da cidade de Belém, mediante a urbanização, Bellé Époque e o apogeu do ciclo da borracha.

À geração de 1870, a historiografia imputou a mudança da experiência do tempo no final século 19. Explorando esta hipótese, este trabalho busca compreender de que forma a propaganda republicana, revitalizada com a crise de monarquia no Brasil, ao mobilizar conceitos fundamentais na construção de seus projetos políticos elaborou expectativas para o futuro da nação. A trajetória de Joaquim Francisco de Assis Brasil (1857-1938) é tomada como guia de análise, uma vez que ele foi ativo participante da propaganda realizada no seio da Faculdade de Direito de São Paulo, entre 1878 e 1882. Por meio de jornais, conferências e livros de doutrina, Assis Brasil e seus colegas republicanos não só foram responsáveis por uma intensa atividade de propaganda em defesa de um novo regime político, como, para isso, articularam novas premissas científicas na elaboração de diagnósticos políticos em geral traçados a partir da experiência histórica brasileira. A pesquisa se fundamenta teoricamente nas considerações da história dos conceitos, de Reinhart Koselleck. A partir da análise, podese perceber que, se o vocabulário dos jovens republicanos era moderno, pois os conceitos políticos veiculados eram portadores de expectativas a serem efetivadas no futuro, esse futuro se encontrava, em certa medida, mediado pela trajetória de países que haviam trilhado as etapas previstas do progresso, e indicavam o caminho para a superação do atraso nacional. / Historiography has attributed the change of temporal experience in late 19th century to the 1870’s generation. Exploring this hypothesis, this thesis aims to understand the way in which the republican propaganda, revitalized by the monarchy crisis in Brazil, when mobilizing fundamental concepts to formulate its political projects, elaborated expectations for the nation’s future. Joaquim Francisco de Assis Brasil’s (1857-1938) path is taken as a guide for the analysis, given that he was an active member of the Law School of São Paulo’s propaganda, between 1878 and 1882. Through academic newspapers, public conferences and indoctrination books, Assis Brasil and his colleagues were responsible not only for an intense propaganda activity in support of a new political regime, as they articulated new scientific premises in which they formulated political diagnostics, generally traced from the Brazilian historical experience. This research is based on Reinhart Koselleck’s history of concepts theoretical considerations. The analysis showed that if the vocabulary of the young republicans was modern, since their political concepts carried expectations to be fulfilled in the future, this future was mediated, in some way, by the path of countries that had gone trhough the predicted stages of progress, and indicated the way to surpass the retarded nation’s development.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:33:30Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2003-10-17Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T19:04:31Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 rodrigues_aw_dr_mar.pdf: 856045 bytes, checksum: 4861dad84a5b5fffeb361aa21759b9f4 (MD5) / Esta tese é uma tentativa de contribuir com a organização das escolas públicas no enfrentamento de uma demanda crescentemente mais necessitada e uma oferta progressivamente minguada pelas imposições dos organismos internacionais. A pretensão desse trabalho é denunciar e dimensionar o problema sem, no entanto, infelizmente, oferecer nesse momento, algum conforto aos aflitos dessa turbulência desumana. A empreitada é analisar o nível de comprometimento da proposição e da ação dos três poderes republicanos, da sociedade política brasileira, na universalização da educação como direito público e subjetivo, nesse contexto globalizado e, anunciar que um outro mundo é possível através da adoção de concepções plurais de justiça que permitam, que as desigualdades sociais e econômicas sejam dispostas de tal forma que beneficiem mais aos menos aquinhoados. Por fim acreditar com mais convicção na orientação da sociologia interacionista para a qual, a sociedade é como uma cena, o indivíduo é como um ator social em comunicação significativa com outros atores e suas significações próprias e, a vida social é a composição dialética dessas ações na construção da personalidade individual e da ordem social. A teoria do currículo, a teoria do conhecimento, a governança democrática, a reflexão crítica e pesquisadora, proporcionam o arcabouço científico para a construção de uma escola sintonizada com a indigência da sociedade civil. / This thesis is a temptive of contributing with the reorganization of the public schools in the fight by a more and more urgent necessity and a rare progressive offer by the power of the international institutions. The intention of this work is denounce the existing problem and show how serious it is without giving them in this moment any kind of comfort. The purpose is to analyse the level of dedication of the proposition and of the action of the three Republic powers, of the Brazilian Politics Society making the educational system global as a public and a subjective right in this globalized context, and showing that another world is possible through the adoption of plural conceptions of justice that permit that the economic and social differences among people are reorganized in a good way in order to help more and more the poors. Believing with more convinction in the orientation of the interactionist sociology that says the society is like a scene, the human being is like an actor in an important communication with other actors and their own meanings and, their social life is the dialetic composition of those actions.In the building of the individual personality and of the social order. The theory of the curriculum, the theory of the knowledge, the democractic behaviour, the crictical reflection and the investigating action give us a scientific fortress to the building of a school that are plugged to the civil society.

Este trabalho procura mostrar a formação de uma cultura política, no contexto peruano do século XX, a partir da análise de uma parte significativa da imprensa nacional. Constata-se que as diferentes abordagens produzidas pelos segmentos políticos mais importantes, a oligarquia peruana e o Partido Aprista Peruano, contribuíram decisivamente para a proliferação de valores, conceitos e práticas políticas autoritárias, radicais e mesmo violentas através de seus principais veículos de comunicação, respectivamente, os jornais El Comercio e La Tribuna. São, inclusive, co-responsáveis pela frequente imposição de regimes anômalos, como ditaduras civis e militares. Restringindo a pesquisa aos momentos nos quais a liberdade de expressão permitiu o convívio legalizado de ambos periódicos, especialmente entre os anos de 1931/1932 e 1945/1948, estabelece-se uma comparação integral dos conteúdos publicados, percorrendo a trajetória que levou à fixação dos posicionamentos daqueles agentes políticos, sua importância no comportamento político e mesmo o desdobramento das influências por eles exercidas em períodos posteriores. / This work presents the formation of a political culture in the Peruvian context of the 20th century from an analysis of a significant part of the national press. The different approaches used by the most important political segments, the Peruvian oligarchy and the Partido Aprista Peruano, contributed decisively to widespread values, concepts and radical, authoritarian and even violent political practices through the main press, respectively the newspapers El Comercio and La Tribuna. Both were co-responsible for the frequent imposition of anomalous regimes such as military and civil dictatorships. Narrowing the scope of the research to the periods in which freedom of speech enabled the legal co-existence of both newspapers, especially between 1931/1932 and 1945/1948, it is possible to compare the content published to understand the establishment of these two political agents, their importance in the national political behavior as well as the unfolding of their political influences later on in history.