Esta tese consiste no estudo da representação de personagens escritores da obra narrativa de Max Aub (Paris, 1903 Cidade do México, 1972). O corpus está constituído por Campo cerrado (1943), Campo abierto (1951), Campo de sangre (1945), Campo del moro (1963), Campo francés (1965), Campo de los almendros (1968) e Vida y obra de Luis Álvarez Petreña (1971). Propõe-se que os romances citados colocam em movimento um processo de corrosão da imagem de autoridade dos personagens escritores. Tal processo contamina também a figura de Aub, que encena, nos Campos e em Vida y obra..., um debate sobre a diluição de seu poder de narrar. O lócus de enunciação do autor, que escreve a partir do exílio, consciente da derrota dos republicanos na Guerra Civil Espanhola (1936-1939), incrusta-se na forma dos romances, fraturando a imagem de potência dos personagens escritores. / This thesis examines the representation of characters who are writers in Max Aubs narrative work (Paris, 1903 Mexico City, 1972). The corpus is composed of Campo cerrado (1943), Campo abierto (1951), Campo de sangre (1945), Campo del moro (1963), Campo francés (1965), Campo de los almendros (1968) and Vida y obra de Luis Álvarez Petreña (1971). The study proposes that the aforementioned novels put in motion a process of corrosion of these characters image of authority. This process also contaminates the figure of Aub, who performs in Campos and Vida y obra..., a debate about the dilution of his power to narrate. The lócus of the authors enunciation, who writes from exile, and is aware of the Republicans defeat in the Spanish Civil War (1936-1939), embeds in the form of those novels, and fractures the image of potency of the characters who are writers.

Este trabalho propõe-se a examinar a obra Jardín cerrado (1946) de autoria do poeta espanhol Emilio Prados, exilado no México. Tem por objetivo apontar o jardín cerrado como um território de busca da identidade do sujeito lírico, onde se realiza um deslocamento simbólico que é associado ao processo de elaboração poética. O trabalho constrói-se a partir da análise de sete textos poéticos, na sequência dos livros que compõem a obra, e pretende analisá-los sob o signo do trânsito que marca a experiência do exílio republicano espanhol para delinear a proposta de uma poética do escritor. / The proposed study aims to examine the literary work Jardín cerrado (1946) written by the Spanish poet Emilio Prados, exiled in Mexico. It aims to define \"jardín cerrado\" as a search territory of the identity of the lyrical subject where there is a symbolic displacement associated to the process of poetic creation. The study builds on the analysis of seven poetic texts presented according to the sequential books which compose the work. The study intends to analyse them under the image of the passage that describes the experience of the Spanish republican exile to outline the author\'s poetic proposal.

A presente dissertação se apoiou numa pesquisa documental composta de 1.460 documentos da hemeroteca do Acervo do jornal O Estado de S. Paulo. E tem por objetivo apresentar uma análise e síntese dos editoriais produzidos pelo jornal de 1999 a 2002, que configuram uma série tipológica, sistematizada em corpus da pesquisa documental. A metodologia foi conduzida por análise documental direcionada à pesquisa qualitativa e quantitativa. A primeira parte deste trabalho se constitui do capitulo I, etapa em que a pesquisa justifica a escolha do objeto empírico e sua inserção de sentido no processo histórico brasileiro. No capítulo II, contextualiza-se o conceito central, o da globalização, como uma chave ideológica e geopolítica da conjuntura mundial no final do século XX. No capítulo III, apresentamos os resultados da pesquisa empírica, que se orientou por uma pergunta norteadora: quais foram os efeitos da globalização financeira sobre o Brasil da perspectiva do jornal OESP? Para responder a essa pergunta, a pesquisa foi organizada em duas etapas. A primeira sistematizou a agenda editorial de todo o ano de 1999 de forma quantitativa e temática para, então, analisar sistematicamente o tema mais relevante para este ano, a assim chamada crise do Real. A segunda etapa partiu do estudo desse contexto para produzir uma síntese das questões temática priorizadas pela agenda de OESP de 2000 a 2002. A conclusão visou identificar os pontos convergentes relacionados com a realidade brasileira, observando o ponto de vista dessas narrativas com os pressupostos da questão norteadora, isto é, como e em que medida o jornal narrou, analisou e interpretou os efeitos econômicos da globalização sob o Brasil na transição para o século XXI (1999-2002). / This work was based on a desk research consisting of 1,440 documents Newspaper Collection \"O Estado de S. Paulo\". And aims an analysis and synthesis of editorial produced by the 1999 journal to 2002. And constitute a typological series, systematized corpus of experimental research. The method was conducted by analysis and synthesis. The first part of this work constitutes of Chapter I, step in the research justifies the choice of the empirical object and its insertion direction in the Brazilian historical process. In Chapter II, contextualizes the core concept, globalization as an ideological key geopolitical and global at the world end of the 20th century. Chapter III, we present the results of empirical research, which was guided by hypothesis. What explains the way that was organized in two stages. The first stage, systematized the editorial schedule 1999 quantitative thematically. He noted a theme that agenda from January to July, chosen by the relevance criteria, producing reports. The second stage, produced a synthesis of thematic issues prioritized by the 2000 OESP Agenda to 2002. The conclusion identified the converging points observed by chance with the Brazilian reality, observing the point of view of these narratives, aiming punctuate how and to what extent, the newspaper chronicled, analysed and interpreted \"the economic effects of globalization in Brazil in the transition to the 21st century\"(1999-2001)

Abstract In the recent political theory it is ever more common to point out that the liberal theory has had in the modern world a respectable rival called republican theory. This study tries to support the thesis that however fundamentally their distinction be defined it has as its most important element different concepts of freedom. The liberals have so called negative concept of freedom almost without exception as the basis of their political theory whereas the republicans tend to have a different concept of freedom as that. In this study this is called autonomic freedom in its more developed version. The above thesis has been argued by comparing two central modern republicans, Rousseau and Hegel. The arguments of this study firstly show that they both have the autonomic freedom as a basis of their political theories in a much more developed and richer form than anyone else before. The arguments secondly show that their theories of the modern society on the one hand and those of political community on the other hand are very similar. The very same thing can thirdly be said of their accounts of the relationship of these conceptions. Their political theories showed a considerable amount of common features which are different from or contrary to those of liberal theories. Many of them could be connected to Rousseau’s and Hegel’s near-kindred concepts of autonomic freedom. Their characteristic differences can in many cases be accounted for to their historically different perspectives into the development of the modern society. The case in point is Adam Smith’s The Wealth of Nations (1776). It is very unlikely that Rousseau even knew about it whereas studying it was very important for Hegel’s understanding of the modern society. The argumentation for the theses of the study has been based on close and detailed interpretation of the relevant texts of Rousseau and Hegel. / Tiivistelmä Viime aikoina on poliittisessa teoriassa yleistynyt käsitys, jonka mukaan liberalistisella poliittisella teoriassa on modernissa maailmassa varteenotettava kilpailija, nimittäin republikanistinen teoria. Tutkimuksessa pyritään esittämään tukea teesille, jonka mukaan liberalismin ja republikanismin eron keskeinen fundamentti tai ainakin yksi aivan keskeisimmistä on niiden erilainen vapauden käsite. Liberalistisella poliittisella teorialla on melkein poikkeuksetta nk. negatiivinen vapauden käsite perusteenaan, kun taas republikanisteilla on yleensä perusteena toisenlainen vapauskäsite, jonka kehittynyttä muotoa nimitetään tässä tutkimuksessa autonomiseksi vapaudeksi. Juuri mainittua teesiä perustellaan tutkimalla kahta keskeistä modernia republikanistia, Rousseauta ja Hegeliä. Ensin osoitetaan, että heillä on autonominen vapaus poliittisen teoriansa perusteena kehittyneemmässä ja rikkaammassa muodossa kuin kenelläkään heitä ennen. Toiseksi osoitetaan heidän poliittisia teorioitaan tutkimalla, että heidän käsityksensä modernista yhteiskunnasta ja poliittisesta yhteisöstä ovat varsin yhteneväiset. Kolmanneksi osoitetaan, että heillä on hyvin yhteneväinen käsitys myös niiden suhteesta. Heidän poliittisissa teorioissaan esiintyi runsaasti liberalistisesta teoriasta poikkeavia tai sille vastakkaisia yhteisiä piirteitä. Monet näistä voitiin asettaa tiiviiseen yhteyteen edellä mainitun heille pitkälti yhteisen vapauskäsitteen kanssa. Heidän luonteenomaiset eronsa voidaan usein yhdistää heidän historiallisesti erilaiseen perspektiiviinsä modernin yhteiskunnan kehitykseen. On esimerkiksi erittäin epätodennäköistä, että Rousseau olisi edes kuullut Adam Smithin Kansojen varallisuudesta, kun taas Hegelin teoria modernista yhteiskunnasta perustuu huomattavassa määrin tämän teoksen tutkimiseen. Tutkimuksen teesien perustelu nojaa Rousseaun ja Hegelin relevanttien tekstien yksityiskohtaiseen lähitulkintaan.

Après l’indépendance proclamée en 1821 et les premières décennies d'anarchie politique, les gouvernants péruviens se fixèrent comme objectif la construction d'un État moderne. Cette démarche passait par la construction d'infrastructures, la diversification des moyens de communication et surtout l’adoption des nouvelles technologies de la Révolution industrielle (chemin de fer et navigation à vapeur) devenues financièrement accessibles par l’exploitation des gisements de guano. Outre son sous-sol riche en matières premières sur lesquelles reposait l’économie coloniale, le Pérou possède une topographie moins clémente de par ses contrastes géographiques cumulant déserts, montagnes et forets. Cette étude propose une lecture historique des moyens de transport dans le Pérou républicain, en examinant les différents mécanismes mis en place par les autorités politiques pour sortir le pays de son enclavement. Elle dresse un état des lieux quant au réseau de communications existant à l’époque coloniale. La thèse définit non seulement les types de métiers et des moyens de transport développés dans différentes régions du Pérou, mais examine aussi la transition entre les moyens traditionnels de transport (marche, mules, cheval et calèches) et la modernité représentée par la traction à vapeur. La question des interactions de ces nouvelles technologies avec l’économie artisanale et paysanne traditionnelle est posée, en confrontant plusieurs catégories de sources de nature administrative ou issues des récits de voyage. / After the country independence proclaimed in 1821 and the first decades of political anarchy and instability, Peruvian governing leaders set themselves to building a modern state. Through this process, they aimed at building public facilities, diversifying means of communication and especially in adopting and implementing the new technologies created by the Industrial Revolution (railroads and steam engines) now affordable to exploit the guano deposits. Besides its rich subsoil raw material that underpinned the colonial economy, Peru has a less lenient topography because of its geographical contrasts combining deserts, mountains, and forests. This study suggests doing a historical review of the Republican Peru transportation means by examining the various mechanisms set up by political authorities to connect the country to the world, and by examining the existing situation of the communication networks back in the colonial era. The thesis defines not only the types of trades and transportation developed in different regions of Peru, but also examines the transition from traditional means of transportation (walking, mules, horses, and carriages) and modernity represented by steam engines traction. The interaction issue of these new technologies along with artisanal and traditional peasant economy is raised by comparing several administrative sets or those derived from travelogues.

Ce travail porte sur les représentations des campagnards et des paysans dans les mentalités des Romains de l’époque républicaine, en se fondant sur l’étude de textes littéraires. Dans l’ensemble des œuvres latines de Plaute à Virgile, les ruraux donnent lieu à des images multiples et contradictoires, passant tantôt pour des rustres ridicules, tantôt pour des citoyens modèles. Nous montrons comment, malgré une telle diversité, ces représentations engagent une vision d’ensemble cohérente, liée à différentes conceptions de l’identité romaine. Une étude préalable du champ lexicographique couvrant les différentes dénominations de l’habitant des campagnes et une mise au point historiographique soulignent la place essentielle qu’occupaient encore les ruraux dans la vie sociale, économique et politique de l’Vrbs aux deux derniers siècles de la République. Il apparaît ensuite que le stéréotype du rustre, susceptible d’être analysé en termes de marqueurs, constitue un véritable type théâtral dans la Néa, lequel influence d’autres textes où son utilisation dans l’invective se mêle parfois à un discours métatextuel. Car le rusticus ridicule, bien que constitué en contre-modèle de comportement, est paradoxalement associé à une identité romaine mise en débat. C’est elle qui entre aussi en jeu dans les discours des agronomes faisant l’éloge de la ruralité. Le stéréotype du bonus agricola, incarnation d’un mos maiorum rural, renvoie à des représentations collectives et à une valorisation axiologique de l’activité agricole – distincte du travail physique et de l’élevage – autant qu’à des prises de position idéologiques personnelles en faveur de la rusticitas. / Based on the study of literature, this work deals with the representations of the countrymen and peasants in the mentalities of Romans in the Republican era. In all the Latin books from Plautus to Virgil, the countrymen are depicted trough multiple and contradictory images, in which they are made out to be either ridiculous uncouth people or model, ideal citizens. We show that, in spite of such a diversity, these representations reveal a coherent global vision of the peasantry which is linked to different conceptions of Roman identity. A preliminary study of the lexicography encompassing the various denominations of the countryside inhabitants and a historiographical focus underline the essential place that the rural still had in the social, economic and political life of the Vrbs in the last two centuries of the Republic. It then comes out that the stereotype of the uncouth man, which could be analysed in terms of “markers”, is in the Nea a real theatrical type. These type influences other texts, in which it is used for the invective, sometimes mixed to a metatextual speech. Indeed, even if the ridiculous rusticus is a counter-model of behaviour, he is paradoxically associated to a debatable Roman identity, which also comes into play in the agronomists’ speeches praising rurality. The bonus agricola stereotype embodying a rural mos maiorum, points out to collective representations and to an axiological valorisation of the agricultural activity – unlike physical work or breeding – as much as to personal ideological stances favouring rusticitas.

Cette thèse interroge les représentations de la diversité et des identités collectives au sein de séries télévisées françaises et britanniques. Les problématiques de la construction identitaire, des imaginaires nationaux et médiatiques, ainsi que les différents imaginaires du métissage et de la communauté arabo-musulmane dans l’espace public européen, retiennent particulièrement l’attention ici. La pluridisciplinarité inhérente à l’approche choisie s’appuie sur la richesse des paradigmes et méthodologies propres aux Sciences de l’Information et de la Communication, ainsi qu’aux études médiatiques dans leur ensemble. Sont ainsi pris en compte les contextes de production (professionnels, techniques, législatifs, esthétiques et socio-politiques), mais aussi les pratiques et usages de réception. Toutefois, c’est bien l’analyse de contenu (aux niveaux figuratif, narratif et thématique) qui se trouve au centre de cette étude. Ce travail s’appuie principalement sur l’étude du personnage de fiction et une typologie des stéréotypes. Les réflexions menées empruntent également aux théories de l’imaginaire, aux études de réception et à la sémiotique du récit. L’hypothèse de départ est que les imaginaires nationaux britannique et français, l’un de tradition multiculturaliste, l’autre régit par l’idéal universaliste républicain, influencent les imaginaires collectifs et les constructions identitaires parmi les différentes communautés de citoyens. Les imaginaires médiatiques, en tant que transmetteurs et en tant qu’arènes des discours et opinions, participent de ce phénomène. Ces imaginaires nationaux laissent des indices parmi les représentations médiatiques, notamment au sein des fictions télévisées, qu’il est possible de repérer et d’analyser. Il ne s’agit pas ici d’opposer les deux modèles. Les cas français et britannique, s’ils diffèrent sur certains points, connaissent des questionnements et difficultés similaires. Les étudier simultanément permet de brosser un plus large tableau des possibles et de chercher d’éventuelles solutions en s’appuyant sur les expériences menées dans ces deux pays. / This thesis examines representations of diversity and collective identities in French and British television series. The issues of identity construction, national and media imaginary, as also the various imaginary of interbreeding - or melting pot - and Arab-Muslim communities in the European public space, particularly hold attention. The pluridisciplinarity, related to our approach, benefit from the paradigmatic and methodological wealth of Information and Communication Sciences, as well as all of Media Studies. We thus take into account production contexts (professional, technical, legal, aesthetic and socio-political) but also reception uses and practices. However, it is the content analysis (at figurative, narrative and thematic levels) that is central to this study. We primarily rely on the study of fictional character and a stereotypes typology. We refer also to imaginary theories, reception studies and narrative semiotics. Our assumption is that the British and French national imaginary, one of multiculturalist tradition, the other governed by the ideal of Republican universalism, influence collective imaginary and identity construction, among the different communities of citizens. The media imaginary, as transmitters and arenas, for speeches and public opinions, participate of this phenomenon. These national imaginary leave clues within media representations, especially inside television dramas, that is possible to identify and analyze. It doesn’t matter of opposing these two models. French and British cases, if they differ on some issues, experience and survey similar difficulties. This simultaneous review helps to paint a wider landscape of possibilities, and to seek possible solutions, based on experiments in these two countries.

James Evetts Haley, a West Texas rancher and historian, balked at the liberalism promoted by President Franklin D. Roosevelt and the New Deal. Haley grew concerned about increased federal control over states and believed Roosevelt was leading the country toward bankruptcy. In 1936, Haley, a life-long Democrat, led the Jeffersonian Democrats in Texas, who worked to defeat Roosevelt and supported the Republican candidate, Alf Landon. He continued to lead a small faction of anti-New Deal Texans in various movements through the 1960s. Haley espoused and defended certain conservative principles over the course of his life and the development of these ideas created the philosophical base of the modern Republican Party in Texas.

This case study explores the securitization of Marseille's banlieues during the era of the Frame of Republican order that in the last decade of the twentieth century and first years of the new millennium significantly influenced intensive securitization of French banlieues with a high concentration of ethnic minorities and countless overlapping social and economic problems. In 2005, in reaction to the era of intensive securitization, unprecedently violent riots and social unrest broke out in banlieues across France, yet banlieues in Marseille remained calm. This thesis, therefore, aims to describe the securitization process and at the same time expose causes that lowered the intensity of securitization, mitigated the influence of the Frame of Republican order and alleviated its adverse effects on the local population. For this purpose, the thesis builds on a combined theoretical framework of securitization theory and framing theory that enables to put the securitization process into the broader context and considers specific historical background. This thesis also interprets findings on the securitization process and offers a critical evaluation of recent development in Marseille that puts into danger Marseille's resistance to securitization and exposes the city to adverse consequences.

Tea Party affects American politics since 2009 when she began under the name of former revolutionary movement to fight government interventions with massive demonstrations. There was often incorrect expectation concerning Tea Party's potential in the first years of her activity. Tea Party supporters cannot be easily characterized, since a very differentiated group of Americans identifies itself with the movement, they come from a broad scale of social groups from Religious Right to libertarians or radical populists, which makes Tea Party an easy subject of criticism. Such criticism is often related to accusations of racism and rigid approach to social issues, to which contributed also certain Tea Party candidates. Nationwide political radicalization, which Tea Party allegedly caused up to a great extent, cannot be confirmed, though, radicalization can be discerned rather within the ideologically differentiated Congress. Although the elections of 2010 and 2012 brought a group of Tea Party supporters into the Congress, it wasn't such a significant success, as many of her protagonists expected. Tea Party established the Tea Party Caucus as an organizational tool. The members of the Caucus ranked among the most active congressmen, the number of their achievements is questionable, though. Throughout the year...