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Doctor of Philosophy / Department of Biological & Agricultural Engineering / James K. Koelliker / Small reservoirs catch and store water for long periods and they decrease streamflow and increase ground-water recharge. A field monitoring program provided the measured water depth for four years in several reservoirs in the Republican River Basin where there are concerns about their aggregate effects in the basin. The daily water budget operation for one reservoir was developed. Daily seepage rates were estimated by using precipitation, inflow and evaporation which was assumed equal to grass reference evapotranspiration (ET0), that average 120 to 150 cm/yr, along with the measured stage-storage and stage-surface area relationships. Two computer simulation modules, written in FORTRAN 95, were developed to estimate 1) overflow and gross seepage and 2) potential for ground-water recharge underneath the reservoir. Required daily input data are precipitation, ET0, and inflow from the watershed area. Required reservoir site characteristics include stage-storage and stage-surface area relationships, a standard seepage rate (S0) at 14 different levels in the reservoir, soil-water and plant-growth characteristics and a monthly crop-residue factor. The gross seepage module calculates water depth that determines daily overflow, the water-surface area for evaporation and the head of water on the 14 levels to cause seepage losses. If a level is not inundated, seepage is zero. If a level is inundated less than 0.3-m, S0 is used. When the water head (hL) on a level exceeds 0.3 m, the seepage rate (SL) is increased by, SL = S0 * (hL/0.3)0.25. This relationship was chosen after testing several exponent values between 0 and 1. The modules were calibrated on one reservoir and verified on two others in northwestern Kansas. Results showed runoff from the watersheds averaged about 1.2 to 1.6 cm/yr from the average annual precipitation of 46 to 62 cm. The three reservoirs reduced streamflow at the reservoir site by 74 to 97%, but 90 to 95% of the retained runoff was calculated to contribute to ground-water recharge. Several sensitivity analyses for model inputs were done. Results showed that, the ratio of the average annual inflow volume from the watershed area to the reservoir storage volume was the most sensitive input variable tested.

Oggetto dello studio è la distribuzione delle ceramiche sia di produzione locale che d’importazione nella Cisalpina più orientale dalla fondazione di Aquileia alla fine dell’età augustea. La ceramica viene utilizzata come strumento di comprensione delle dinamiche di trasformazione sociale e di sviluppo culturale che interessano questo territorio durante il processo di “romanizzazione”. Il quadro metodologico di riferimento è l’archeologia spaziale. Il periodo considerato è stato diviso in più fasi: fase 1. Dalla fondazione di Aquileia (181 a.C.) al 90 a.C. Sono stati studiati 420 reperti, relativi a 18 contesti; fase 2. Dal 90 a.C. all’inizio dell’età imperiale (27 a.C.). Sono stati studiati 786 reperti, relativi a 89 contesti. l’età augustea. Sono state considerate solo le ceramiche analizzate nelle due fasi precedenti, per seguirne l’esaurimento definitivo. Sono stato studiati 328 reperti, relativi a 22 contesti. Lo studio della ceramica ha comportato una riflessione metodologica, sulla terminologia e sul rapporto forma/funzione/impasto. Classi ceramiche analizzate: vernice nera, ellenistica a rilievo, pareti sottili, comune, anfore, lucerne, con un approfondimento sulla ceramica comune L’indicatore ceramico, permette di focalizzare alcuni elementi di continuità con il sostrato protostorico (veneto, locale, La Tène), e di individuare nuovi flussi d’importazioni a lungo raggio dall’Italia peninsulare e dal Mediterraneo. / This dissertation analyses the distribution of pottery, both imported and of local production, in the Eastern Cisalpine, from the foundation of Aquileia to the end of the Augustan age. Pottery is used as a means to understand the dynamics of social transformation and cultural development that affect this area through the process of "Romanization". “Spatial archaeology” is used as a methodological reference. The period taken into consideration has been divided in three phases: 1. Foundation of Aquileia (181 B.C.) - 90 B.C. Studied 420 findings from 18 contexts; 2. 90 B.C. - beginning of imperial age (27 B.C.). Studied 786 findings from 89 contexts; 3. Augustan age. Only ceramics already studied for the preceding phases have been analysed, in order to follow the final steps of their productions. Studied 328 findings, from 22 contexts. Studying ceramic has made it necessary to re-consider methods as well as terminology and the relation between form/function/ceramic bodies. Analysed pottery classes: black slip ware, hellenistic relief ware, thin walled pottery, coarse ware, amphorae, lamps, with a special study on coarse ware. Pottery as an indicator enables us to focus some elements of continuity form the Proto-historical substrate (Venetian, local or La Tène) and to recognize new long-range import flows from peninsular Italy and the Mediterranean.

The Irish peace process is heralded as a success among insurgencies that attempt transitions toward peaceful resolution of conflict. After thirty years of armed struggle, pitting Irish republicans against their loyalist counterparts and the British State, the North of Ireland has a reconfigured political landscape with a consociational governing body where power is shared among several parties that hold divergent political objectives. The Irish Republican Movement, whose main components are the Provisional Irish Republican Army, a covert guerilla armed organization, and Sinn Fein, the political party of Irish republicans, initiated peace that led to all-inclusive talks in the 1990s and that culminated in the signing of the Good Friday Agreement in April 1998, setting out the parameters for a non-violent way forward. Given the traditional intransigence of the IRA to consider any route other than armed conflict, how did the leadership of the Irish Republican Movement secure the support of a majority of republicans for a peace initiative that has held now for more than fifteen years? This dissertation explores the dynamics of leadership in this group, and in particular, focuses on the prisoner resistance waged by its incarcerated activists and volunteers. It is the contention here, that various prisoner resistance tactics enabled a wide-ranging group of captives to develop the skill set necessary to persuade their community to back the peace initiative, engage in electoral politics, mobilize their supporters to invest in attaining a united Ireland by peaceful negotiations, and put down their arms in a permanent and unequivocal manner. In this dissertation, the work of Paulo Freire is explored in order to capture the processes inherent the resistance-leadership continuum.

The years i 920-22 constituted a period of unprecedented conflct and political change in Ireland. It began with the onset of the most brutal phase of the War ofIndependence and culminated in the effective miltary defeat of the Republican IRA in the Civil War. Occurring alongside these dramatic changes in the south and west of Ireland was a far more fundamental conflict in the north-east; a period of brutal sectarian violence which marked the early years of partition and the establishment of Northern Ireland. Almost uniquely the IRA in the six counties were involved in every one of these conflcts and yet it can be argued was on the fringes of all of them. The period i 920-22 saw the evolution of the organisation from a peripheral curiosity during the War of independence to an idealistic symbol for those wishing to resolve the fundamental divisions within the Sinn Fein movement which developed in the first six months of i 922. The story of the Northern IRA's collapse in the autumn of that year demonstrated dramatically the true nature of the organisation and how it was their relationship to the various protagonists in these conflcts, rather than their unceasing but fruitless war against partition, that defined its contribution to the Irish revolution.

During the presidential contest of 1884, Republicans used singing as a campaign tactic at rallies, meetings, and parades. Their songs may be divided into several categories, such as rally songs, songs of praise for the party and its candidate, "bloody shirt" songs, mudslinging songs, and issue-based songs. Songs provide a perspective on the overall tenor of the campaign, while a lack of songs on certain topics, such as temperance, reflects the party's reluctance to alienate voters by taking a strong stand on controversial issues. Although the campaign has often been called one of the dirtiest in American history, this negativity is not reflected in the majority of the songs.

"Perhaps no phase of American history has been more written about than the Reconstruction period, but few historians seriously consider the role of the Negroes during this period. It is the purpose of this thesis to show the part played by the Negroes during the Reconstruction of the states of Arkansas, Texas, and Louisiana and the factors which led to their ascendancy to political leadership. Most historians give a one-sided view of this period of Reconstruction, playing down the role of the Negroes with the assumption that they were members of an inferior race and incapable of contributing anything constructive to American history. An examination of the facts, however, discloses that the Negroes did contribute a great deal to American history during their brief role in politics. Many of the Negro office holders, usually considered ignorant and illiterate, were well trained and well educated and displayed considerable ability in their particular offices. Contributions of these Negro leaders have merely been obscured by bitterness in partisan politics, and more objective study of Reconstruction will inevitably alter the traditional picture of the Negro political leaders." -- leaf iv.

Från Reagan till Trump: Populistiska uttryck inom det republikanska partiet 1980–2017 är en kandidatuppsats av Angelica Carlsson. Syftet med studien är att förklara förekomsten av populistiska uttryck inom det republikanska partiet i USA under tidsperioden 1980–2017. Populistiska uttryck i politiska tal av presidenterna Ronald Reagan, George W. Bush och Donald Trump undersöks och graderas utifrån Kirk A. Hawkins sex kriterier över populism. Talen analyseras också utifrån de teoretiska begreppen tunn respektive tjock populism. För att förklara de populistiska uttrycken beaktar studien den historiska kontexten och utvecklingslinjer inom det republikanska partiet. Utifrån studiens resultat kan konstateras att de populistiska uttrycken är högst i Reagans och Trumps tal, medan Bushs tal har en lägre grad av populism. I studien förklaras detta utifrån den historiska kontexten, där 1980 och 2016 präglades av mer politisk instabilitet än 2000. Studien belyser hur populism inte uppstår ur tomma intet utan ska förstås i relation till kontexten i vilken den uttrycks. / From Reagan to Trump: Populist expressions within the Republican Party 1980–2017 is a bachelor thesis by Angelica Carlsson. The aim of the thesis is to explain populist expressions within the Republican Party in the United States during the period 1980–2017. Populist expressions in political speeches by the presidents Ronald Reagan, George W. Bush and Donald Trump are investigated and graded based on Kirk A. Hawkin's criteria of populism. The thesis is also taking the theoretical terms thin and thick populism into consideration. In order to explain the populist expressions the historical context and the historical development of the Republican Party is taken into account. The main findings of the thesis is that Reagan's and Trump's speeches has the highest degree of populist expressions, while Bush's speeches has a lower degree of populist expressions. The study explains this from the historical context, where 1980 and 2016 were characterized by more political instability than 2000. The study illustrates how populism does not arise from nothing and should be understood in relation to the historical context.

The study of African American Reconstruction leadership has presented a variety of unique challenges for modern historians who struggle to piece together the lives of men, who prior to the Civil War, had little political identity. The scant amounts of primary source data in regard to these leaders’ lives before the war, the destruction of many documents in regard to their leadership following the Reconstruction Era, and the treatment of these figures by historians prior to the Revisionist movement have left this body of extremely important political figures largely unexplored. This dissertation will examine the life of one of Louisiana’s foremost leaders, Lt. Governor Oscar James Dunn, the United States’ first African American executive officeholder. Using previously overlooked papers, Masonic records, Senate journals, newspaper articles and government documents, the dissertation explores Dunn’s role in Louisiana politics and chronicles the factionalization of the Republican Party in Reconstruction New Orleans. Born a slave and released from bondage at an early age, Oscar J. Dunn was able to transcend the stigma which was often attached to those who had been held in slavery. A native of New Orleans, born to Anglo-African parents, he was also able to transcend the language barrier that often excluded Anglo-Africans from social acceptability in Afro-Creole society. Although illiterate, Dunn’s parents made critical strides in securing his social mobility by providing him with both a formal education and a trade apprenticeship. Those skills propelled Dunn forward within his Anglo-African community wherein he became a key figure in the community’s two most important institutions, the York Rite Masonic Lodge and the African Methodist Episcopal church. This dissertation argues that Dunn’s political ascent was linked to the political enfranchisement of antebellum Anglo-Africans in Louisiana, Dunn’s involvement in Anglo-African institutions (particularly the York Rite Masonic Lodge and the African Methodist Episcopal church) and Dunn’s ability to find middle ground in the racially charged arguments that engulfed Reconstruction New Orleans’s political arena. Keywords: Oscar Dunn, Reconstruction, New Orleans, Republican, Louisiana, African American, Politics

The dissertation deals with immigration policy of the United States toward illegal immigration from Mexico during the presidency of George W. Bush. It aims to answer the question whether the policy had at all changed when compared to the previous administrations, and whether the terrorist attacks from 9/11 had any effect on the issue. The paper also discusses reasons why comprehensive immigration reform has not been accepted yet. In order to answer those questions, the thesis analyzes American perception of immigrants and characterizes interests of pressure groups and political parties in immigration.