This study discusses the storytelling movement in England and Wales as an example of the traditional arts "revival." "Revivals" are qualitatively different from mature traditions, but this distinction eludes theorisation. This creates shortcomings in the literature, which are identified and discussed. It is concluded that mature traditions and "revivals" are both subcategories of traditional milieu. The "revival" is distinguished, firstly, by its attenuated diachronic chains of transmission and synchronic bonds of social cohesion, resulting in a loss of deep aesthetic consensus in the participant group; and, secondly, by its self-traditionalisation: its selfconscious self-presentation as a traditional form socioculturally opposed to a traditionless mainstream modernity. The "revival" is therefore often understood as a nostalgic and symbolic re-enactment of desired sociocultural conditions. The study is an inductive, transparent consideration of storytelling revivalism in England and Wales in the light of this preliminary conclusion, considering three issues: the history of the movement; the whole-group performance of storytelling events; and emic interpretations and understandings of involvement, elicited in interview. The evidence is that storytelling revivalism is part of a long-lived appropriative process transcending sociocultural distinctions; that its performative idioms do not express but mediate - eventually, undermine - its iconoclastic separateness from modernity, integrating the formally "revived" form into the informal mainstream; and that interviews demonstrated nostalgic sociocultural beliefs to be contingent and of secondary importance to aesthetic experience. In conclusion, revivalistic communities indulge selfconscious self-traditionalisation sparingly and reluctantly. Emically, it is an uninteresting implication or a necessary cognitive and behavioural stopgap facilitating a deeper experiential familiarity with the form itself "Revival," although occupying an intellectually enfranchised milieu, is properly a nascent non-intellectual, aesthetic and social form. This conclusion overturns the preliminary conclusion, and suggests the general fallaciousness of assuming that cultural forms are primarily coded representations of sociocultural conditions.

Thesis (B. Arch.)--Cornell University, June 1939. / Vol. 2: plates.

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Inaug.-Diss.--Heidelberg. / Vita. Bibliography: p. 407-421.

The Azusa Street Revival was a movement started in 1906 by a small group of black individuals at a prayer meeting in Los Angeles, California. The revival is largely considered the beginning of the Pentecostal movement. This paper investigates the relationship between the worship practices of the Azusa Street Revival and the musical and religious traditions of the West and Central African peoples who were the ancestors of some of the most prominent and influential participants in the movement. These practices, which include spirit possession, physical movement and rhythm, musical collaboration, and indeterminate times of worship, seemingly made their way from Africa into the daily lives of African American slaves, where they were adopted by participants at the American camp meetings of the early nineteenth century. From there, these West and Central African musical traditions became instituted in the holiness movement, the precursor to the Azusa Street Revival.

The aim of this thesis is to argue that Augustus Welby Northmore Pugin (1812-1852) was a liturgist who had a liturgical vision. He is commonly regarded as an architect and designer per se, but many believe he had eccentric ideas, was a fanatic for the Gothic style of architecture and that while he was religious, he had little impact on the religious controversy and events of his time. The thesis will bring forward a different picture of him. The reasons put forward to support the claim that he was a liturgist are that he had a particularly definition of liturgy; he studied liturgy for three years; he employed a particular method of writing, which was commonly used by past liturgists; many of his authorities were liturgists and historians, as well as architects and designers, and his sources related to liturgy. Pugin went from attacking Protestants, to defending his views against Roman Catholics. To argue for his views, Pugin employed a particular methodology, which included a vast number of authorities and sources. He offered to England an alternative setting of the Roman rite. The new converts who had seceded from the Church of England to the Church of Rome, including John Henry Newman and his circle, did not support him and this led to a major conflict. Their different views of liturgy became a matter of judgement for the Roman Catholic Church. Pugin was influenced by Continental, particularly French, Roman Catholic scholars and liturgists. The influence of the leader of the liberal Catholics in France, Charles-Forbes-Rene, Count de Montalembert, is also brought to light. The thesis will argue that Pugin sought to implement his views on liturgy in England and had a vision of a future England that could act as an example to the rest of Catholic Christendom, including the Church of Rome. He initially had a measure of success, but finally failed and bowed to the judgement of the Roman Catholic Church.

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Thesis (M.A.)--Ohio State University, 1968. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 100-102). Available online via OhioLINK's ETD Center.