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Amtmannsvertreibungen in Baden im März und April 1848 Bürokratiekritik, bürokratiekritischer Protest und Revolution von 1848/49Maciejewski, Jürgen January 2005 (has links)
Zugl.: Konstanz, Univ., Diss., 2005
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Das revolutionäre Arbeitertheater der Weimarer Zeit Theater als Instrument kommunistischer Propaganda /Bendel, Oliver. January 1996 (has links)
Konstanz, Univ., Magisterarb., 1996.
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Das revolutionäre Arbeitertheater der Weimarer Zeit Theater als Instrument kommunistischer Propaganda /Bendel, Oliver. January 2004 (has links)
Zugl.: Konstanz, Univ., Magisterarb., 1996.
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The origins of the green revolutionCleaver, Harry McBeath, January 1975 (has links)
Thesis--Stanford University. / Microfilm-xerography of typescript. Ann Arbor, Mich. : University Microfilms International, 1978.--22 cm. Includes bibliographical references.
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Musik und Kunst in der sowjetischen Revolutionskultur /Mende, Wolfgang. January 2009 (has links)
Zugl.: Diss. Univ. Dresden, 2005.
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Musik und Kunst in der sowjetischen Revolutionskultur /Mende, Wolfgang. January 2009 (has links)
Zugl.: Diss. Univ. Dresden, 2005.
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Die Iranische Revolution von 1979 Eine vorläufige Bilanz /Blatter, Deborah. January 2004 (has links) (PDF)
Master-Arbeit Univ. St. Gallen, 2004.
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Seven contemporary French political thinkers : considerations of individualism, humanism and value pluralismTownsend, John January 2001 (has links)
This thesis focuses upon a significant body of contemporary French political thought which takes as its starting point a contention that both the monist and doctrinaire political precepts dating from the Revolution and the consequent Hegelian, Marxist and structuralist thinking linked to these precepts have become anachronistic and hence have little relevance in present-day France. The originality of this doctoral thesis lies in the analysis of the work of seven political thinkers. All of these thinkers, recognizing a break in the continuity of French political thought consequent upon the claim of François Furet that the "Revolution is complete", have sought to rationalize and reconcile the values of individualism, humanism and modernity in contemporary France. In contrast to the political thinkers of the Sartrean generation, whose work took little account of the actual practice of politics, in the seven thinkers seek to relate the philosophical problems inherent in considerations of individual and communal rights and values to the present-day political environment. Each of the seven has sought to rationalize a political situation, novel in France, of an acceptance of the concept of agreeing to differ on matters of substance and of a recognition that a modern democratic state is heteronomous and may contain a substantial range of incommensurable values . This amounts to an acceptance of agonistic value pluralism, that is, of the idea of political conflict which is constructive (by contrast with the destructive conflict of revolutionary-inspired doctrines) and which leads to the evolution of arguments broadly acceptable to a majority in situations in which there is a clash of values. Thus the practice of politics has become a succession of endeavours to arrive at optimum solutions to conflictual problems, rather than a search after chimerical, maxirnalist answers . Each of the seven has sought to rationalize a political situation, novel in France, of an acceptance of the concept of agreeing to differ on matters of substance and of a recognition that a modern democratic state is heteronomous and may contain a substantial range of incommensurable values. This amounts to an acceptance of agonistic value pluralism, that is, of the idea of political conflict which is constructive (by contrast with the destructive conflict of revolutionary-inspired doctrines) and which leads to the evolution of arguments broadly acceptable to a majority in situations in which there is a clash of values. Thus the practice of politics has become a succession of endeavours to arrive at optimum solutions to conflictual problems, rather than a search after chimerical, maxirnalist answers.
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Reading the Terror over Tea: Reflections of British Nationalism in the Guillotine's Blade, 1793-1795Bahr-Evola, Amanda Jo 01 December 2010 (has links)
The period of the French Revolution known as the Terror was a cataclysmic event for Ancien Regime Europe. Nearly every aspect of life was affected by the events which unfolded in France, forcing Europeans to confront the question of national identity through the context of the French Revolution. Nowhere was this phenomenon keener than in Great Britain, a traditional rival of France. Although in its infancy, a British national identity--as distinct from a English, Irish, Welsh, or Scot national identity--was already in existence. This new British identity was being shaped by forces such as a growing population, a reform movement within the Anglican Church, the drive for Empire, the increasing influence of the Industrial Revolution and the ensuing adjustment of the agricultural sector, and a steadily increasing middle class that demanded grater political participation. The French Revolution recast all of these issues and forced a reassessment of what it meant to be British, and, as such, was the chief stimulus for the development of British national identity as it changed from one based on political rights in the tradition of the Magna Carta to that of a bastion of order in the face of political radicalism. This study uses eighteenth century newspapers from across Britain to examine key events of the period of the Terror--the trial and execution of Louis XVI, the trial and execution of Marie-Antoinette, the murder of Marat, the execution of Madame Roland, and the fall of Maximilien Robespierre--in light of an evolving British national identity. The newspaper accounts of these reveal a composite British national identity consisting of the components of the reverence for the institutions of monarchy and the aristocracy, constitution/legal system, civilized society, commercial power, notions of chivalry, Christianity (Protestantism), the English language (represented by Shakespeare), and the notion of the French "other." This nationalism is also decisively male, propertied, and literate. This identity provided a foundation for future British activities such as the drive for imperial and industrial dominance in the nineteenth century.
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The Importance of Being Useless: Revolution and Judgment in 'The Picture of Dorian Gray'Johnson, Marshall Lewis 01 August 2011 (has links)
The preface to The Picture of Dorian Gray is often dismissed as merely an addendum to the novel intended to detract hostile readers and absolve the text itself of any accusations of immorality. When coupled with the narrative itself, however, the novel shows both the impossibility of producing the new through traditional notions of revolution, as well as the way in which the Deleuzian conception of judgment inhibits Dorian from ever viewing the portrait as insignificantly amoral, as not symbolic of his sins. Yet the preface, coupled with the various aesthetic objects in the text, is productive of a new form of judgment, one that does not reproduce the same moral order. This takes the form of a "useless" judgment. When Lord Henry claims he wishes to change nothing in England but the "weather," this is the same as the portrait, returned to its original form, hanging over Dorian's body at the novel's end: neither is a judgment with a use, but rather a judgment of a work of art that produces nothing in the work of art. Lord Henry cannot change the weather, and the portrait's changes do not help or affect Dorian in any way. Thus we see the answer to Deleuze's question of what the "refusal of work" would look like. Art is "quite useless" in that it is both extremely removed from any and all spheres concerned with moral order, and also fairly indifferent to this fact and Dorian's concern with maintaining a world organized by useful symbols.
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