This paper examines the relationship between Europeanisation and the recent changes of the Norwegian and Swedish security identities. Since the mid-1990s, these two countries have gone different ways, the former as an active non-member with no decision-making powers and the latter as an active participant in the development of the European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP). Concerning Norway and Sweden’s security identity, both have changed exceedingly over the years. Norway, which has valued the US and the transatlantic partnership through NATO, namely being an ‘Atlanticist’, seeks a deeper connection to the EU as a security actor over the last fifteen years, despite the authorities emphasizing that NATO remains the cornerstone for Norwegian security policy. Sweden, which maintained strongly neutral and non-aligned throughout the 20th century, was initially sceptic to partaking in the security and defence dimension of the Union. Nonetheless, Sweden, as a member, managed to change its perception of EU’s security policy through highlighting crisis management and turned out to become one of EU’s most active contributors in shaping the ESDP. This paper concludes that Norway and Sweden have seen similar outcomes concerning Europeanisation, despite holding different positions in relation to the EU. Norway has not been able to hold an influential role respecting its European integration process, even though the authorities seek to gain as much input as possible into the ESDP through associate membership. Sweden, in contrast, entered the Union with an initial negative attitude concerning the security and defence policy but has changed its perception and chosen to play an active part in the policy making process through influencing and deepening its cooperation.

Titles: Power, Ideas, Identity: China's Growing Engagement in UN Peacekeeping Operations Abstract Since China's reform and opening-up, China has taken concrete steps to integrate into the international community. China's role and influence within the international organization are in the midst of an evolution. Before, China has remained outside and reluctant to join US-led international organizations, but nowadays, China becomes the firm upholder of current multilateral organizations. The UN Peacekeeping Operations provides a prominent example. China has earlier doubted the role of the UN and upholds strong opposition to PKOs. After China restored its legal seat in the UN in 1971, it took a wait-and-see attitude toward PKOs. In the late 1980s, with China's internal political and economic reform and changes in the international environment, China began to reconsider the UN's role in maintaining international peace and security. Subsequently, China gradually supported and took part in PKOs. Since the twenty-first century, China has been even more committed to peacekeeping. This thesis attempts to identify the key factors motivating China's active engagement in PKOs in the 21st century. This thesis figures out three factors are power, ideas, and identity. On the role of power, this thesis adopts a rationalist...

Dissertation (Ph.D.)--The University of North Carolina at Greensboro, 2010. / Directed by Glenn Hudak; submitted to the Dept. of Educational Leadership and Cultural Foundations. Title from PDF t.p. (viewed Jul. 19, 2010). Includes bibliographical references (p. 138-144).

In recent years, cyber crime has focused intensely on people to bypass existing sophisticated security controls; phishing is one of the most common forms of such attack. This research highlights the problem of e-mail phishing. A lot of previous research demonstrated the danger of phishing and its considerable consequences. Since users behaviour is unpredictable, there is no reliable technological protective solution (e.g. spam filters, anti-viruses) to diminish the risk arising from inappropriate user decisions. Therefore, this research attempts to reduce the risk of e-mail phishing through awareness and education. It underlines the problem of e-mail phishing in the State of Qatar, one of world s fastest developing countries and seeks to provide a solution to enhance people s awareness of e-mail phishing by developing an effective awareness and educational framework. The framework consists of valuable recommendations for the Qatar government, citizens and organisations responsible for ensuring information security along with an educational agenda to train them how to identify and avoid phishing attempts. The educational agenda supports users in making better trust decisions to avoid phishing that could complement any technical solutions. It comprises a collection of training methods: conceptual, embedded, e-learning and learning programmes which include a television show and a learning session with a variety of teaching components such as a game, quizzes, posters, cartoons and a presentation. The components were tested by trial in two Qatari schools and evaluated by experts and a representative sample of Qatari citizens. Furthermore, the research proves the existence and extent of the e-mail phishing problem in Qatar in comparison with the UK where people were found to be less vulnerable and more aware. It was discovered that Qatar is an attractive place for phishers and that a lack of awareness and e-law made Qatar more vulnerable to the phishing. The research identifies the factors which make Qatari citizens susceptible to e-mail phishing attacks such as cultural, country-specific factors, interests and beliefs, religion effect and personal characteristics and this identified the need for enhancing Qatari s level of awareness on phishing threat. Since literature on phishing in Qatar is sparse, empirical and non-empirical studies involved a variety of surveys, interviews and experiments. The research successfully achieved its aim and objectives and is now being considered by the Qatari Government.

This research is concerned with how in/security is understood and the implications of contested meanings of in/security. The basic premise of this thesis is that in/security in itself has no meaning and thus cannot exist in isolation. Instead, in/security is always defined in relation to something or someone. How we understand in/security derives from the contexts we navigate and the identities we construct. An inquiry into in/security therefore demands incorporating a multiplicity of narratives and discussing these in relation to each other. While scholars have called for a greater emphasis on exploring in/security in marginal sites, I argue that accounts from the margins must not be at the exclusion of other more dominant narratives. Such analysis – placing the elite/margin, included/excluded, powerful/weak – in the same framework in order to produce a relational account of in/security is largely missing. This thesis sets out to provide a rich and detailed understanding of the everyday complexities of in/security. I propose a framework for capturing relational and contextual dimensions of in/security, and the implication of contested meanings of in/security understandings. Through an in-depth case study in the context of the transitions towards a post-conflict period in Colombia, following five decades of armed conflict, I inquired into in/security understandings at the margins in relation to the centre. The margins were represented by conflict-affected communities whereas the centre was represented by the Colombian government and key security sector institutions. The research found several relational dimensions of in/security understandings between the state- and the marginalized community-levels. Moreover, contextual and identity factors had a significant impact on how in/security was spoken about and what was spoken of. Through the framework, it was possible to see in continuum the way deeply ingrained understandings of in/security reproduce violence as the government seeks to transition the country into a post-conflict period following five decades of armed conflict. The research, through a detailed empirical case study, supports the view that in/security is relational and derivative of context and with ties to identity. It contributes to further our understandings of in/security at three distinct levels. At the theoretical level, the research builds upon existing literature in the field of security studies to advance an enhanced understanding of the relational and contextual dimensions of in/security, the contested meanings of in/security and the implications thereof. Methodologically, it proposes an alternative framework to capture the relational dimensions through shifting the problem formulation from a traditional focus on who is to be secured from what threats to how in/security is understood by different people/communities in different contexts. Empirically, it contributes to an off-centred understanding of in/security dynamics in the official transitions into the post-conflict period in Colombia. Through its empirical evidence it has the potential to offer an important contribution to the analysis of post-conflict transitions more generally.

This thesis will analyse the identity politics of the Chinese party-state’s nation-building project in the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region. It will examine how the party-state intends to overcome the barrier of ethnic boundaries in the production of a shared sense of multi-ethnic, national belonging. Uyghurs and Han can be thought of as belonging to different civilisations (Chinese and Turkic-Islamic) but in modern times they are often thought of as divided by ethnic boundaries. The party-state’s idea of the Chinese nation (Zhonghua Minzu) is a nation-building project to eliminate these boundaries so as to produce a multi-ethnic nation. Fieldwork was conducted after the riots of July 2009 engulfed the region. Ethnically targeted violence against both Han and Uyghurs destabilised the city of Ürümchi and challenged the party-state’s vision of China as a unified and harmonious nation. The official Chinese explanation was that this was an internationally funded and synchronised terrorist attack but Uyghur rights groups have blamed tensions on government policy repressing Uyghur culture and stoking Han nationalism. The theoretical framework employed draws from the concepts of production and performativity in Post-Structuralist and Critical International Relations (IR) theory, particularly the work of Cynthia Weber (1998) and David Campbell (1998). The critical approach adopted here takes security as a process of performative enactment of identity, which produces the units we take for granted as worthy of security. The analysis will examine official performances of what it means to be Chinese and Uyghur. It will then ask how these performances are received and (re)performed by members of the postulated nation. The party-state seeks to include Uyghurs as Chinese but it also excludes and securitises Uyghur Turkic and Islamic identities as ‘outside’ threats to the unity of the nation. The research is a result of one year of fieldwork (September 2009-August 2010) in Ürümchi, the capital city of Xinjiang. This was the first ethnographic study of responses to the violence of July 2009. Furthermore, the incorporation of Han perspectives has been very limited thus far in the literature on Xinjiang. The analysis uses a top-down approach, which employs discourse analysis of official texts to understand what type of national identity the party-state seeks to produce. However, these methods are coupled with a bottom-up analysis using ethnographic methods, particularly detailed, semi-structured interviews, to explore how these official discourses are received. The perspectives of Han and Uyghurs in Xinjiang can inform us how nation-building will unfold and what type of social dynamics it will engender. Analysing perspectives on the nation from below can help us understand the type of nation we expect to be produced in China rather than the type of nation the party-state narrates. The findings of this research demonstrate that both Uyghurs and Han are turning official Chinese nationalist discourses against themselves to articulate separate ethnic nations. Uyghurs frame China as an assimilationist transgression of ethnic boundaries for the benefit of the Han. Han frame their nation as under threat from Uyghurs and articulate China as a Han nation. The party-state’s nation-building project is unintentionally producing insecurity and reinforcing ethnic boundaries which remain obstacles to a shared sense of nationhood.

The aim of this thesis is to analyse the sppecific meaning of non- alignment policies of Sweden and Finland after joining the EU in 1995. In doing so, the research design is based on sociological institutionalism and its key concepts and phases that are connected to the study of Europeanization. Thereby, the study compares the domestic policies of national identity and its changes in Sweden and Finland before and after the accession to the EU. This shall answer the reserach question on how far the foreign policies of Sweden and Finland have been Europeanized and whether or not non- alignment policies are an obstacle in this process. Since social constructivism considers Europeanization as a socialization process, the paper will also investigate the main challenges for Sweden and Finalnd to face with reagrd to crisis managment, territorial defence issue and Crimea Crisis.

The master thesis titled China as the Enemy? : Representations of China in the U.S. Security Discourse explores discursive foundations of American policies towards China in military, economic and political sector. First chapter introduces concepts used in the formal analysis of China representations. It departs from post-structuralist theory of discourse by Ernesto Laclau, Chantal Mouffe and Lene Hansen and combines it with several other authors including the classical work of Carl Schmitt On the Political. The second chapter offers historical overview of key events and discourses that preceded George W. Bush Administration. One part is devoted to Evelyn Goh's analysis of internal official discourse of the "rapprochement" period between China and the U.S. Third chapter contains sections on basic characteristics of the official discourse in recent years including signifiers of China, the concept of "responsible stakeholder" and the geopolitical shift to Pacific in U.S. identity construction. Chapter 4, 5 and 6 follow the sectoral division and are further subdivided into individual themes. These are analyzed in three steps. First, the basic elements of China representation are introduced and their dynamics in the period 2001-2011 analyzed. Second, elements of the U.S. identity in the given context...

The aim of this paper is to find out whether the securitization theory of the Copenhagen School is applicable outside euro-american space. This topic is chosen because of the contradicting opinions of theorists regarding the universality of the theory. Many authors criticize also the disregard of the process, context, pictures or physical actions. The theory is applied in societal sector in Egypt on nine cases including human rights non-governmental organizations, political opponents, critics and asylum seekers. The development of securitization, implementation of extraordinary measures, results and impact of the securitization are monitored in these cases. Attention is paid also to the fact whether securitization took into consideration context, process and whether pictures and physical actions played any role and what role it was. Method used in the paper is instrumental case study. It aims at the explanation of narrowly defined case on the basis of the theory. In the stated cases the threats to identity are presented as "others", alien and with the exception of one case as "Western" which means different from the Egyptian identity. The implementation of extraordinary measures to deal with the threats then becomes legitimate. The main contribution of the paper is the finding that the...

Improvements in technology and the Internet have seen a rapid rise in the use of technology in various sectors such as medicine, the courts and banking. The conveyancing sector is also experiencing a similar revolution, with technology touted as able to improve the effectiveness of the land registration process. In some jurisdictions, such as New Zealand and Canada, the paper-based land registration system has been replaced with one in which creation, preparation, and lodgement of land title instruments are managed in a wholly electronic environment. In Australia, proposals for an electronic registration system are under way. The research question addressed by this thesis is what would be the impact on fraud of automating the registration process. This is pertinent because of the adverse impact of fraud on the underlying principles of the Torrens system, particularly security of title. This thesis first charts the importance of security of title, examining how security of title is achieved within the Torrens system and the effects that fraud has on this. Case examples are used to analyse perpetration of fraud under the paper registration system. Analysis of functional electronic registration systems in comparison with the paper-based registration system is then undertaken to reveal what changes might be made to conveyancing practices were an electronic registration system implemented. Whether, and if so, how, these changes might impact upon paper based frauds and whether they might open up new opportunities for fraud in an electronic registration system forms the next step in the analysis. The final step is to use these findings to propose measures that might be used to minimise fraud opportunities in an electronic registration system, so that as far as possible the Torrens system might be kept free from fraud, and the philosophical objectives of the system, as initially envisaged by Sir Robert Torrens, might be met.