<p>Abstract</p><p>The thesis investigates how the European Union promotes stability and security in the Mediterranean region. The aim is to analyse the European Union’s security ambitions with Euro-Mediterranean Partnership, the Barcelona Process. An analytical framework with five sectors (military, political, economic, environmental and societal), based on the Copenhagen School’s theories about security sectors and securitization, is used for the analysis. Within the framework threats, objectives and methods are categorized into each security sector. Then it is possible to distinguish if any sector is more prioritised by the EU. Qualitative text analysis is used to examine relevant EU-documents. The result of the analysis shows that the European Union prioritizes the economical and societal sector in promoting peace and security within the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership. Through economical integration and cultural dialogue, the EU tries to enhance security and stability. The EU emphasises the importance of global governance and international law for a stable peace. The study concludes that the widened concept of security, within the Copenhagen School, can help to explain the European Union’s work inside the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership.</p>

The Thesis "Securitization of Migration in Central Europe" deals with the issue of international migration in Central European countries from the perspective of Security Studies. The aim of this thesis is to point out to the prevailing security concept of this issue in selected countries of Central Europe (Czech Republic, Poland and Hungary), to find out the reasons for this approach to the migration and asylum issues and also to determine whether the security approach to the issue of migration does reflect the real situation of migration phenomenon in selected Central European countries. Through comparative analysis of the issue of migration in selected countries, this thesis verifies validity of the subsequent hypothesis: The security approach to the issue of international migration does not reflect the real situation of migration phenomenon in selected Central European countries. The variables are migration issues most often connected with the security of state and its society: illegal migration, criminality of foreigners, integration, employment of foreigners, access to the welfare benefits and demographical factors.

The aim of the diploma thesis is to analyze and to compare the foreign policies of Estonia, Lithuania and Latvia in the period from 1991 until 2004 and to reach a conclusion, whether the frequent and very common generalization of the foreign policies of those states is correct. The first part of the paper explores the main approaches to the analysis of foreign policy and state's national interest. In this part of the paper, the appoach to analysis of the state's national interest, offered by the Copenhagen school of theory is chosen, and this approach is then used in the second chapter of the diploma. The second part of the paper, examines the threats of Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania in political, societal, military and economic sectors. Finally, the conclusion describes the results of the analysis of each sector and provides the assessment and comparison of the main problems of Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania and of the ways in which the states were trying to solve them in the chosen time period. It is shown, that despite the fact, that Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania were often facing similar challenges, they did also have an abundant number of different and specific problems of their own, were not able to work in concert, and often showed resistance to be deemed as "Baltic". This leads to the conclusion that treating their foreign policies as a joint "Baltic foreign policy" is incorrect and can be misleading.

The regional security aspect is becoming increasingly more important within security studies. The United Nations and the United Nations Security Council has expressed an intent to utilize regional organizations as security actors with regards to maintaining international peace and security, with the purpose of achieving a greater sense of legitimacy for conflict resolution. This study aims to explore the possibilities of using such organizations within regions of varying stability, and how this usage can relate to the idea of legitimacy. Based on regional security complex theory, this study seeks to show how regional organizations have been used by the Security Council within different security sectors, and how this usage is affected by the degree of integration within the region. The result of the study show that the idea of legitimacy is easiest to achieve in regions with a mid-level degree of regional integration and concerning questions of political security. The results also show a tendency within the Security Council to use organizations from other regions with higher levels of integration in regions with lower levels of integration, and raises the question if this way of using regional organizations may risk harming the ultimate goal of legitimacy.

This master's thesis examines the importance of the explosion incident at Nord Stream and Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine on Sweden’s security sectors. The critical energy project Nord Stream 1 and its expansion to Nord Stream 2 have created bipolar attitudes and debates in Sweden and the EU regarding the security implications of increased Russian power. The Ukraine war and the physical attack on the pipelines have only amplified security concerns in the international political arena. This thesis aims to provide a descriptive understanding of the explosion incident and Russia’s aggressive actions in Ukraine and their resulting impact on Sweden’s ability to establish a stable security strategy viewed by security sectors such as national-, environmental-, energy-, military-, economic-, human-, and societal-security. Additionally, this thesis also explores these issues from Sweden’s perspective with the use of classic international relations perspectives such as realism and liberalism. Results present that the security sector reports heightened tensions, with Russia potentially increasing military activities. New intensified threat perception for Sweden, negative environmental impacts, affecting on human health and security. Effects regarding energy security. New security threats for Russia's establishment within the European market, impact and effects on nations' identity and uncertainty about the new political situation, and increased insecurity for essential societal infrastructures.

Abstract The thesis investigates how the European Union promotes stability and security in the Mediterranean region. The aim is to analyse the European Union’s security ambitions with Euro-Mediterranean Partnership, the Barcelona Process. An analytical framework with five sectors (military, political, economic, environmental and societal), based on the Copenhagen School’s theories about security sectors and securitization, is used for the analysis. Within the framework threats, objectives and methods are categorized into each security sector. Then it is possible to distinguish if any sector is more prioritised by the EU. Qualitative text analysis is used to examine relevant EU-documents. The result of the analysis shows that the European Union prioritizes the economical and societal sector in promoting peace and security within the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership. Through economical integration and cultural dialogue, the EU tries to enhance security and stability. The EU emphasises the importance of global governance and international law for a stable peace. The study concludes that the widened concept of security, within the Copenhagen School, can help to explain the European Union’s work inside the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership.

Ce mémoire a pour objectif d’analyser la nature et l’ampleur des enjeux de sécurité dans l’Arctique contemporain en utilisant les outils offerts par la théorie de la sécurisation de l’École de Copenhague. Cinq secteurs de sécurité – militaire, politique, identitaire, environnemental et économique – et quatre variables – la géographie, l’identité, l’histoire et la politique – sont utilisées pour examiner les perceptions de sécurité, les sécurisations et les comportements stratégiques du Canada et de la Norvège. La 1re hypothèse avancée dans ce mémoire est la suivante : depuis 2005, au Canada et en Norvège, nous sommes en train d’assister à une sécurisation progressive des enjeux non militaires dans l’Arctique - politiques, identitaires, environnementaux et économiques - et les effets entre ces secteurs de sécurité ont d’importantes conséquences sur le secteur militaire, notamment au niveau de la multiplication de projets étatiques pour la plupart essentiellement militaires, ainsi qu’au niveau d’un déclenchement d’une sécurisation de leur intégrité territoriale ou du moins un accroissement de l’insécurité à son égard. La 2e hypothèse avancée est la suivante : les nouvelles perceptions de sécurité et les comportements stratégiques des États de la région engendrent de l’insécurité à l’intérieur des sociétés ainsi qu’une dégradation de la confiance entre les acteurs étatiques. Cela a pour effet d’augmenter la division politique dans l’Arctique et de ralentir toute construction régionale. Nous concluons, sur la base de nos études de cas, qu’au Canada, la souveraineté, la nordicité et l’intégrité territoriale sont perçues comme étant menacées. De plus, les sécurisations dans l’Arctique semblent faire partie d’un renouvellement stratégique global en matière de politique étrangère et de défense. En Norvège, la Russie est considérée comme l’acteur principal du High North et à partir de 2008, la relation russo-norvégienne a subi une sécurisation. Contrairement au Canada, la Norvège préfère le statu quo stratégique dans l’Arctique en privilégiant les trois éléments traditionnels de sa politique de défense et de sécurité - la dissuasion par l’OTAN, la gestion de la Russie par l’assurance, et l’amélioration des relations est-ouest. / This thesis aims to analyse the nature and the scale of the security issues in the contemporary Arctic by utilising the tools offered by the securitization theory of the Copenhagen School. Five security sectors – military, political, identity, environmental and political – and four variables – geography, identity, history and politics – are used to examine the perceptions, the securitizations and the strategic behaviour of Canada and Norway. The first hypothesis put forward in our paper is as follows: since 2005, in Canada and in Norway, we are witnessing in the Arctic progressive securitizations of non military issues – political, identity, environmental and economical – and the cross-sectoral effects have important consequences on the military sector, such as, an increase in state projects that have mostly military components, as well as on the securitization of their territorial integrity or at least on the insecurity towards it. Our second hypothesis is as follows: the new security perceptions and the strategic behaviour of the regional States increases the insecurities within their societies and have negative effects on confidence between state actors. This increases the political divisions and slows down any regional construction. We conclude that in Canada, their sovereignty, their nordicity and their territorial integrity are perceived to be threatened. These securitizations also seem to be part of a radical global strategic change in matters pertaining to their foreign and defence policies. In Norway, Russia is perceived to be the main actor in the High North and since 2008, their bilateral relation has become securitized. As opposed to Canada, Norway seems to prefer the status quo in matters pertaining to their foreign and defence policies. The three traditional elements of their defence and security policy are applied – deterrence through NATO, but reassurance of the Russians and efforts to enhance East-West relations.

Ce mémoire a pour objectif d’analyser la nature et l’ampleur des enjeux de sécurité dans l’Arctique contemporain en utilisant les outils offerts par la théorie de la sécurisation de l’École de Copenhague. Cinq secteurs de sécurité – militaire, politique, identitaire, environnemental et économique – et quatre variables – la géographie, l’identité, l’histoire et la politique – sont utilisées pour examiner les perceptions de sécurité, les sécurisations et les comportements stratégiques du Canada et de la Norvège. La 1re hypothèse avancée dans ce mémoire est la suivante : depuis 2005, au Canada et en Norvège, nous sommes en train d’assister à une sécurisation progressive des enjeux non militaires dans l’Arctique - politiques, identitaires, environnementaux et économiques - et les effets entre ces secteurs de sécurité ont d’importantes conséquences sur le secteur militaire, notamment au niveau de la multiplication de projets étatiques pour la plupart essentiellement militaires, ainsi qu’au niveau d’un déclenchement d’une sécurisation de leur intégrité territoriale ou du moins un accroissement de l’insécurité à son égard. La 2e hypothèse avancée est la suivante : les nouvelles perceptions de sécurité et les comportements stratégiques des États de la région engendrent de l’insécurité à l’intérieur des sociétés ainsi qu’une dégradation de la confiance entre les acteurs étatiques. Cela a pour effet d’augmenter la division politique dans l’Arctique et de ralentir toute construction régionale. Nous concluons, sur la base de nos études de cas, qu’au Canada, la souveraineté, la nordicité et l’intégrité territoriale sont perçues comme étant menacées. De plus, les sécurisations dans l’Arctique semblent faire partie d’un renouvellement stratégique global en matière de politique étrangère et de défense. En Norvège, la Russie est considérée comme l’acteur principal du High North et à partir de 2008, la relation russo-norvégienne a subi une sécurisation. Contrairement au Canada, la Norvège préfère le statu quo stratégique dans l’Arctique en privilégiant les trois éléments traditionnels de sa politique de défense et de sécurité - la dissuasion par l’OTAN, la gestion de la Russie par l’assurance, et l’amélioration des relations est-ouest. / This thesis aims to analyse the nature and the scale of the security issues in the contemporary Arctic by utilising the tools offered by the securitization theory of the Copenhagen School. Five security sectors – military, political, identity, environmental and political – and four variables – geography, identity, history and politics – are used to examine the perceptions, the securitizations and the strategic behaviour of Canada and Norway. The first hypothesis put forward in our paper is as follows: since 2005, in Canada and in Norway, we are witnessing in the Arctic progressive securitizations of non military issues – political, identity, environmental and economical – and the cross-sectoral effects have important consequences on the military sector, such as, an increase in state projects that have mostly military components, as well as on the securitization of their territorial integrity or at least on the insecurity towards it. Our second hypothesis is as follows: the new security perceptions and the strategic behaviour of the regional States increases the insecurities within their societies and have negative effects on confidence between state actors. This increases the political divisions and slows down any regional construction. We conclude that in Canada, their sovereignty, their nordicity and their territorial integrity are perceived to be threatened. These securitizations also seem to be part of a radical global strategic change in matters pertaining to their foreign and defence policies. In Norway, Russia is perceived to be the main actor in the High North and since 2008, their bilateral relation has become securitized. As opposed to Canada, Norway seems to prefer the status quo in matters pertaining to their foreign and defence policies. The three traditional elements of their defence and security policy are applied – deterrence through NATO, but reassurance of the Russians and efforts to enhance East-West relations.