In Singapore the state defines the parameters of 'ethnic' identity on the basis of the ideology of multiracialism, in which any particular 'ethnic' identity is subsumed under national identity and permitted expression in cultural and economic, but not political, terms. Multiracialism's appeal for the state as well as for its citizens lies in its objective: social cohesion between and equality for the four officially recognized 'racial' groups. Nevertheless, from the viewpoint of the 'Indian' community, this thesis demonstrates how the multiple layers of meaning given to the doctrine and practice of multiracialism by various social actors and their interactions create tensions and contestations in reconciling 'ethnic' and national identity. Public expression of 'ethnic' politics is considered by the state as subversive towards the nation, although the state itself implements its ideology through a stringent regime of 'racial' management directed at every aspect of a Singaporean's social, cultural, economic and political life. The thesis addresses important issues involving 'racial' and 'ethnic' identity, modes of 'ethnic' interaction and nation building in the multiethnic and globalised context of Singapore in general and in 'Little India' in particular. This area, though theoretically democratic in nature, is embedded in state-civil society power relations, with the state setting the agenda for 'ethnic' maintenance and identity. My research interviews demonstrate the dominating and hegemonic power of the state, its paternalistic governance, and its wide network of social control mechanisms organizing 'ethnicity' in Singapore. The historical decision, made firstly by the British colonial administration and thereafter perpetuated by the nation state, to make 'race' the basis of all social classification has had far-reaching consequences. With the postcolonial state wishing to be the sole authority over 'ethnic' practices and discourse, Singaporeans' lives have been heavily conditioned by its impact, which I argue resembles to some extent the 'divide and rule' policy of the colonial regime. 'Race' as the structuring principle and accepted reality of Singapore society since colonial days is so entrenched that it has been essentialised and institutionalised by the state as well as by the people in contemporary Singapore. The terms 'race' and 'ethnicity' are used interchangeably and synonymously in daily usage, though "race" is preferred by political leaders, academics and the population at large. I will argue that with 'race' as the reference point ethnic communities that migrated from China, India and other places became socially, culturally and economically segregated and polarised from colonial days to such an extent that extensive stereotypes and prejudices have fed on their lives. Such perspectives have led to differing constructions of national identity discourses presented by the nation state based on its objectives of 'racial' integration, economic development and national identity. By way of interview and survey material I demonstrate that 'race', ethnicity and national identity as defined and managed by the state have not only been inextricably linked in the everyday lives of Singaporeans but more importantly they have resulted in a resurgence of ethnic consciousness in the last three decades or so, thereby undermining the state's attempts at national identity. My findings are based on responses by Singaporean Indians to various social engineering policies employed by the state as strategies for integrating the diverse ethnic groups and anchored on the ideologies of multiracialism, multiculturalism, multilingualism, multireligiosity and meritocracy. My respondents perceive that these policies are not proactive in fostering 'racial' integration because of growing social and economic inequalities brought about by the collision of ethnic and national identities with 'race'. They feel that the government has strayed from its declared goal of 'multiracialism', emphasized all along as critical to the strength, stability and growth of the nation. Such a situation, they argue, does not augur well for a common national identity that remains elusive in the eyes and minds of Singaporeans.

Thesis (M.A.)(Hons)--University of Western Sydney, Nepean, 1995. / Includes bibliography.

Thesis (Ed.D.)--Teachers College, Columbia University, 1975. / Typescript; issued also on microfilm. Sponsor: Gary Griffin. Dissertation Committee: Arthur Foshay. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 230-236).

Thesis (M.A.)--State University of New York at Buffalo, 2008. / Advisers: Junhao Hong, Mary B. Cassata. Includes bibliographical references.

One of the key thrusts in Singapore’s Thinking Schools, Learning Nation (TSLN) educational vision, launched in 1997, is the emphasis on critical thinking in schools. This entails pedagogical changes and challenges for teachers, especially, in terms of their knowledge, dispositions and practices of critical thinking, which are argued to be fundamental in fulfilling the TSLN thrust. Although TSLN is now 10 years into its implementation, to date, there has been little research undertaken to determine the efficacy of the implementation of the critical thinking policy thrust through the perspectives and voices of both teachers and students — the key stakeholders of education and the ultimate agents in the successful implementation of educational initiatives. Therefore, in gaining an in-depth understanding of teachers’ and students’ perspectives of the implementation of critical thinking from the ‘swampy lowlands’, a qualitative case study approach was used. Six government school teachers and their students participated in the case study and data were gathered through lesson observations, interviews, and the analysis of documents. / Findings suggest that a multitude of interrelated systemic and contextual factors, which are predisposed by underlying ‘technocratic and instrumental rationalities’ that govern Singaporean education, remain major barriers to the realisation of TSLN’s critical thinking thrust. The study found that there are gaps and uncertainties in the teachers’ knowledge base of critical thinking and that the incorporation of critical thinking as part of their pedagogy and classroom practice is marginal. Student data corroborate the general lack of emphasis and the limited role of critical thinking in the classroom and they indicate that the hegemony of both school curricula and high stakes examination perpetuate rote learning and didactic pedagogies. / Implications of the study suggest the need to reorientate teacher education and professional development programmes with the explicit aim of transforming teachers’ knowledge base and dispositions to engage with the pedagogical changes that TSLN’s critical thinking policy thrust necessitates. However, to effect deep change and realize the core aspiration of ‘thinking learners’, there must not only be restructuring; reculturing also needs to occur across and beyond the educational system. Importantly, such changes need to be primarily informed by the reconceptualisation of teachers — from mere ‘technicians’ to ‘transformative intellectuals’ — and teachers’ work — from ‘technical work’ to ‘intellectual work’. It is also vital that teachers who are entrusted with the task of developing ‘thinking learners’ under TSLN teach curricula and work in school contexts that explicitly encourage, value and reward critical thinking.

In this study l investigate the Singaporean characteristics of broadcast media internationalisation. I ask the question &quote Does Internationalisation lead to homogenisation and commercialisation of the television culture in Singapore or does it give way to more diversity, thus stimulating cultural differentiation?&quote . I articulate the constraints and/or tensions of supranational regulation, foreign policy, regional and intraregional alliances upon communication and the cultural and social effects as they impact on and respond to production, programming, scheduling and output in Singapore. I explain how Singaporean Television media culture takes part in the processes of globalisation, and how it challenges existing cultures and creates new and alternative symbolic and cultural communities, within the context of regional communication. In this thesis 1 conclude that whilst Singapore definitely does not have equity in information, wealth or resource flows it is attempting to liberalise. To do so, the government recognises that serious inadequacies and imbalances must be addressed and that the path to greater political and economic growth is through an actively informed public. Despite regulatory restrictions on data flow and technical and service ownership, Singapore is encouraging regional alliances, depoliticising cultural differences and concentrating on economic imperatives to build mutual knowledge and understanding, multilateral agreements, collective ownership, mutual exchange and cooperative dissemination.

The impetus of this research to explore cross-cultural differences and conflicts between Singaporean Chinese Managers and their western MNCs managers was due to the researcher's 12 years real-life, working experiences in western MNCs. The interest was extended to discover how these managers are able to deal with the corresponding cross-cultural conflict that is embedded in the day-to-day interaction between himself and his superiors from the west The research has found out that despite the changing cultural influence on Singaporean Chinese Managers, they still exhibit a substantial number of Confucian behavioural characteristics that was inherited from their Chinese forefathers, in the area of work attitudes; the importance of intrinsic and extrinsic work attributes; the commitment to the organisation they work for; and from the job itself. Singaporean Chinese Managers are also found to be less confrontational in nature when dealing with conflicts, and are less incline to express their dissatisfaction, or even have a face-to-face argument with their superiors. The research also found that there is a growing 'compromisers' cluster, a group of people who only moderately uphold traditional values regarding family, education and morale, who are open to innovation and whose aim in life is to be socially and financially successful. It further reveals that younger Singaporean Chinese Managers are now more vocal and more confrontational than their older counterparts and possesses more westernised behavioural characteristics. Therefore, this research provides an insight into the way in which Singaporean Chinese Managers both construct and maintain a notion of identity and also explores the evolving cultural shift in the next generation of managers in the Singaporean Chinese community.

Thesis (Ph.D.) -- University of Western Sydney, 2003. / Bibliography : leaves 211-238.

The first Speak Good English Movement, SGEM, took place in 2000, and has been organized annually ever since. Speaking a “standard” form of English is considered to bring increased personal power. However, the SGEM wants the Singaporeans to use “standard” English in their private life as well. A decade after the beginning of the campaign, a Speak Good Singlish Movement was started. Based on studies of language and identity, it is understandable why some Singaporeans might feel the SGEM threatens their identity. However, the reactions towards the campaign are mainly positive. For the purposes of this analysis, Twitter messages, Facebook pages, and newspaper articles from The Straits Times were collected. The SGEM has hailed both direct and indirect praise and criticism in both social and traditional media: Five newspaper articles praise the campaign while five criticize it; the results are nine and seven respectively for social media. This thesis looks at reactions towards the SGEM in both social and traditional media, analyzes how these reactions might relate to the ideas of the power of language, its variety and the relation of language and identity.

Thesis (M.M.H.S.)--Victoria University of Wellington, 2009. / Includes bibliographical references.