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Despite the fact that conservation ideology has led conservation practice over the last quarter of a century, the removal of local residents from protected areas in the name of biological preservation remains the most common strategy in developing countries. Its wide-ranging impacts on displaced societies have rarely been properly addressed, particularly in regard to the establishment of parks. This thesis is based on 15 months fieldwork carried out among a group of displaced park residents known as Rana Tharus in the country of Nepal. They have long lived in Royal Shuklaphanta Wildlife Reserve in the far-western part of that nation. This thesis is largely inspired by recent academic advocacy that conservation-induced dislocations on rural communities are having a serious influence on policy implementation. Such advocacy is leading to more effective and pragmatic park policies. West, Igoe and Brockington (2006) point out that park residents are an indispensable part of protected areas and their cultural and economic interactions with parks occur in diverse ways. Without a full understanding of these interrelationships, any kind of forced conservation policies will be doomed to fail and cause severe disturbances to people’s lives. Like most protected areas in developing countries, this thesis shows that the unplanned resettlement scheme of Shulkaphanta failed to mitigate the socio-economic losses that Rana Tharus experienced due to their displacement. The ethnographic data notes that when attention is paid solely to the economic losses experienced by Rana Tharus, the social costs such as social exclusion, loss of culture, and psychological depression are rarely addressed in the dislocation program. An inadequate understanding of the links between protected areas and local livelihoods is one of the major causes for the continuation of park-people conflicts including Shuklaphanta. In this thesis, I demonstrate how the displacement and other social changes have gradually diminished the social and economic livelihoods of the Rana people. I argue that many of these social impacts were unexpected because Rana Tharus actively responded to all these changes by putting new social relations into effect. As a result, significant social transformations have occurred in contemporary Rana Tharu society. The undivided household unit was no longer their first preference when the new economic realities made themselves felt, and gender and patrilineal kin relationships became more tense. The traditional labouring system (Kamaiya) that existed between wealthy and poor Rana Tharus declined due to increasing poverty. All these had erased their ability to maintain sustainable livelihoods that they had previously enjoyed. Moreover, substantial loss of landownership had made it impossible for Rana Tharus to share equal social, economic and political status with the new migrants - the twice-born Pahaaris. These accumulated and unforseen results of conservation practices can only be well understood if a holistic analytical perspective is adopted. This thesis borrows the concept of sustainable household livelihood system and the social theories of practice, power and agency to explore the dynamic relationships between conservation, local livelihoods and culture. The stories told by the Rana Tharu provide some important lessons. I argue that dislocation programs should be put aside or at least closely reviewed if their hidden social impacts are not well understood or at least lead to some form of compensation. Such action may prevent the further expansion of park-people conflicts which are shown to hinder conservation efforts of Shuklaphanta and local sustainable livelihoods. / http://proxy.library.adelaide.edu.au/login?url= http://library.adelaide.edu.au/cgi-bin/Pwebrecon.cgi?BBID=1369652 / Thesis (Ph.D.) - University of Adelaide, School of Social Sciences, 2009

The thesis is divided into three parts. Part One is headed by a fairly broad historiographic review into past works on the Chinese in Australia. This is followed by a brief introduction to the historical and cultural background of the immigrants and the character of their migration. An examination of the passive and proudly in different responses of the Chinese to Victorian anti-Chinese legislation concludes this section. The stress of this final chapter is on the overall lack of influence of the White Australian Policy on the behaviour of the Chinese. Part Two examines the sojourning sentiments of the Chinese and how they affected the sex and age distribution of the population, their choice and method of work, their accommodation and quality of life. Part Three begins by contrasting the impact of science and technology on Australia and China and the focus will be on China’s peripheral position in the industrial world. The insecurity of the Chinese in the industrialising environment of Australia will be considered. This will be contrasted by the more accommodating cultural milieu of Southeast Asia and the important thread of Chinese culture and traditions throughout the region’s history. The importance of the ‘modified’ or ‘mixed’ version of the family business in assisting the rise of the Chinese in the Southeast Asian region will be discussed. The final part of the thesis will suggest that the decline of the Victorian Chinese in the four occupations of alluvial mining, furniture-making, market-gardening and laundering was significantly affected by an inflexible attitude to technology. It is argued that the Chinese did not apply science and advanced equipment when it was prudent to do so. The conclusion will summarise the main argument and suggest its relevance for the modern overseas Chinese communities.

Diss. (sammanfattning) Göteborg : Göteborgs universitet, 2006. / Härtill 4 uppsatser.

Thesis (M. Sc.(Urb. Plan.))--University of Hong Kong, 1995. / Includes bibliographical references (leaf 123-133).

Thesis (M. Sc.(Urb. Plan.))--University of Hong Kong, 1995. / Includes bibliographical references (leaf [68-69]).

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This thesis examines from a medical anthropological viewpoint how the practice of the newly imported complementary and alternative medicine (CAM) has been transplanted, received and transformed in Japan. More specifically, I focus on homeopathy, which was introduced into Japan in the late 1990s. To address the research question, I focus on the practice of homeopathy from the anthropological viewpoint. The adoption of any new form of medicine is influenced by the prevailing medical, social and cultural context. So, how and why was homeopathy introduced into Japan the late 1990s? I explore this question by focusing on three aspects of the reception of homeopathy in Japan: (1) the institutionalisation of the homeopathy, including the formation of associations of practitioners and homeopathic colleges; (2) the translation of the theory and practice of homeopathy by the practitioners into a culturally acceptable form; (3) the utilisation and consumption of homeopathy by the patients, their families and self-prescribers. Over eighteen months of fieldwork in Japan led me to focus on these three elements of homeopathic practice. Regarding the theoretical framework, this mainly explores medical pluralism and the health care system in Japan from an anthropological perspective, and the globalisation and transmission of medicine. I argue that the success of homeopathy in Japan was largely thanks to the transmission strategies set by the founders of the colleges for lay homeopaths. Mothers in particular, concerned by worries over family health care, were drawn by this approach. Furthermore I also argue that this group not only be' self-help groups, creating thereby a strong tie with the lay homeopaths. I argue that mothers gained a sense of the empowerment through homeopathy. Within the Japanese health care system it was the popular sector that received and developed homeopathy.