Excavations at Turkey Creek Pueblo, a large thirteenth-century ruin in the Point of Pines region boasting approximately 335 rooms.

No description available.

No description available.

No description available.

No description available.

No description available.

This thesis is an ethnographic study of some of the principal social categories of the Rotinese, a population of approximately 100,000 living in the Timor area of Eastern Indonesia. Roti, the home land of the Rotinese where over 70,000 Rotinese still live, is a small island with a relatively high populatian density. Unlike other islands in Indonesia , Roti, the southernmost island of the archipelago is a dry land with few natural springs and subject to an irregular and inadequate monsoon rain. Because of this lack of water, the Rotinese are tappers of the lontar or palmyra palm (Borassus flabellifer L.). Yet they also cultivate rice, which is for them a prestige food, in both wet and dry rice fields, as well as a variety of mixed crops, including millet, sorghum and maize in well-fenced fields and gardens and they keep herds of water buffalo, sheep, goats, and horses which roam freely on unfenced land. Traditionally, the island of Roti is divided into eighteen self-ruling domains. From the early records of the Dutch East India Company, it is evident that most of these domains have existed as independent states for well over 250 years. In modern Indonesia, these same domains remain the administrative units of the island. Each domain is governed by its own Lord, who together with the lords of the various clans that make up the domain, presides at a flourishing court and makes decisions based upon the customary usage of that domain. Discourse and dispute are the first loves of the Rotinese. Rotinese society is hierarchical, with fixed classes of nobles and commoners. Nobles are ranked in status and belong to one of two clans, the clan of the Male-Lord and the clan of the Female or Sister-Lord. The Male-Lord who presides at court is the highest noble of the domain and is its political head, but he shares his temporal power with a Female-Lord or Lord-fetor. A dignitary, the Head of the Earth, of a commoner clan, traditionally regarded as the oldest clan of the domain, is the Male-Lord's ritual superior and, at court, is the traditional authority on customary usage. Each named clan recognized at court is distinguished by its separate traditions, rights, and privileges. Clans are compared to trees and like trees are of different size. Noble clans with their named lineages (or 'branches') are far more differentiated than are commoner clans. Some clans are highly exogamous for reasons of status or size; some are preferably exogamous; while other clans, not larger than small lineages, are strictly exogamous. A child's membership within his lineage is established by his father's payment of his mother's bridewealth. A woman, for whom bridewealth is not paid, contributes children to her brother's lineage. Marriage on Roti is not prescriptive, but the Rotinese do have alliances (described as the 'tying' of various kinds of bonds) and they do have preferred forms of cross-cousin marriage. The clans of the Male and Female Lords should, it is felt, be joined in alliance but each domain has its own special alliances between particular groups. Women, ranked according to the status of their lineage and their clan, are accorded different levels of bridewealth and are exchanged among descent groups to the formation of alliances. Alliances, once established, endure for three generations and the former wife-givers, a person's matrilateral affines, are his obligationary ritual protectors throughout his life. A person's a matrilateral affines are spoken of as the 'roots' by which a person grows and prospers; these all important relations are described by a variety of metaphors involving the imagery of planting and growing. The prefatory remarks outline some of the problems considered in the thesis: the concern with the control of water and women; the equation frequently drawn between women, water, and the moon; the distinction between marriageable and unmarriageable women; the categories of male and female as used to order society; the problem of dyadic and triadic classification and the pervasive metaphor of plant and tree. Chapter I is a general introduction, describing the island of Roti and ita political divisions, the distribution of the population and the linguistic position of Rotinese with its many dialects. The Botinese, in fact, possess two languages: an ordinary language and a ritual or poetic language. The ritual language, used on formal occasions, is based on an ordered pairing of all words and expressions. This language of dualism with its established corpus of chants and sayings is a collective expression of Rotinose wisdom. On the basis of statements in both ordinary and ritual language, Chapter I offers an analysis of the primary co-ordinates of the symbolic order and of the Rotinese concepts of order and perfection. Chapter II is a study of Rotinese modes of livelihood: the classification of the 'nine seeds' or crops of the Botinese, the male and female lontar palm, the various sacrificial corporations that organise work in the fields and the annual agricultural cycle. The lontar palm is given special attention because of its crucial importance to subsistence and also because of the symbolism it provides. Chapter II includes a discussion of the use of fencing in the establishment of land ownership or membership in a field corporation. The structure of the sacrificial corporations that control water is shown to be analogous to the structure of power and authority in the domain. The first half of Chapter III provides an examination of Rotinese ideas about the structure of the domain: the nature of social classes, the place of ritual authority, the division of temporal power, the structure of the court and the quality of 'maleness' which hierarchically orders the society. The second half of this chapter considers in detail the organization of a single domain, that of Termanu. A summarry is made of the principal legends of each clan and the rights and privileges these legends are said to validate. The ideal structure of the domain is compared with the actual existing organisation. The first half of Chapterr IV offers an analysis of the subdivisions of the clan: the lineages that regulate marriage and the individual property holding houses found scattered wherever there is sufficient water to maintain a household. The role of women and the incorporation of clients is also discussed. The second half of this chapter again deals with the domain of Termanu: the subdivisions of its clans and lineages. Detailed data are provided on the incorporation of a single client line and on a village area of the domain. Chapter V is an examination of marriage and alliance among the Rotinese. Agnatic relations are distinguished from affinal relations, particularly the matrilateral relations of the former wife-givers. Rotineae ideas on marriage are discussed as is the all important ritual role of the mother's brother. Finally the Rotinese relatioship terminology is considered as a system of reference, address and sentiment. Onoe appendix gives the ritual names of the island of Roti and its domains, while another appendixc gives two variant legends which argue the ritual ownership of a source of water in Baä, a small domain of central Roti. The thesis includes a comprehensive bibliography of Roti and a brief additional bibliography of other works used in the preparation of the thesis.

Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2003. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The primary aim of the present study was to examine whether the culture of a society influences the way in which people justify certain aggressive behaviours in certain situations. A total of 756 students from Spain, Japan and South Africa participated in completing the CAMA, a measure of justification of aggression. The results showed that there were significant differences within the countries. There were differences in the levels of acceptance of certain acts between these countries. Further fmdings also indicated that there was a difference between the males of the countries and between the females of these countries. It was found that cultural influences and the norms within these countries bring about differences in justification of aggression in different situations. There were also some general trends of acceptance, with direct and indirect verbal acts e.g. sarcasm, hindering and shouting being more acceptable than physical acts such as hitting, killing and torture. It is hoped that the present findings of this research will make members of society more aware of their responsibility to help reduce aggressive acts by teaching and reinforcing norms against it. It is also hoped that the international community will gain better insight into the fact that South-Africa faces unique challenges because of the political and social changes in the country. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die primêre doel van die huidige studie was om vas te stelof 'n samelewing se kultuur 'n rol speel by die regverdiging van sekere aggressiewe gedrag in bepaalde omstandighede. 'n Totaal van 756 studente van Spanje, Japan en Suid Afrika het die CAMA vraelys voltooi. Die vraelys meet die regverdiging van aggressie in sekere omstandighede. Betekenisvolle verskille is tussen die lande gevind. Daar is ook betekenisvolle verskille tussen die mans van die drie lande asook tussen die vrouens van die drie lande gevind. Daar is gevind dat kulturele verskille en die norme binne 'n samelewing meebring dat daar verskille is in die mate waarin samelewings sekere aggressiewe gedrag aanvaarbaar vind in sekere situasies. Daar was ook 'n groter algemene aanvaarbaarheid van verbale aggressie bv. sarkasme, verhindering en skreeu as fisiese aggressie soos slaan, om dood te maak en marteling. Hopelik maak hierdie navorsing mense meer bewus van elkeen in die samelewing se verantwoordelikheid om die norme teen geweld te versterk asook om die norme aan hulle nageslagte oor te dra. Verder sal die internasionale gemeenskap hopelik beter insig kry oor die unieke uitdagings wat Suid-Afrika bied as gevolg van die politieke en sosiale veranderinge in die land.

Thesis (PhD)--Stellenbosch University, 2015. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Some academics are of the generalist opinion that ancient Egyptian beer was only consumed by the lower classes because of its low social status. This is based on the generalization that individuals only consume alcoholic beverages matching the status of their social class. Therefore the lower classes consumed beer while the upper classes consumed an alcoholic beverage of higher status, i.e. wine. However, other academics are of the universalist opinion that Egyptian beer was universally consumed by all Egyptian social classes irrespective of the status of beer. This study aims to test the validity of these opposing academic opinions and also strives to understand how statements of status in Egyptian society were devised, and what they were conveying. This was achieved by determining the status of Egyptian beer and wine and then comparing them to the respective status of beer and wine drinkers in the New Kingdom period (c. 1550-1069) according to the factors of production, consumption, health, economic exchange & distribution, and religion. Use is made of an anthropological approach which allows the researcher to limit social bias and understand ancient Egyptian society on its own terms. Results of this study indicate that Egyptian beer had a much lower status than Egyptian wine and all social classes consumed beer while only the upper classes consumed wine. The generalist opinion, therefore, is falsified and the universalist opinion validated. The results also indicate that the upper classes justified their beer consumption by producing, consuming and exchanging an elite beer of higher status in a manner reminiscent of wine so that it compared more favourably with the status of their social classes. This study, therefore, not only settles an old academic dispute but also provides new insight into Egyptian beer. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Sommige akademici huldig die algemene siening dat antieke Egyptiese bier uitsluitlik deur die laer klasse gebruik is, omdat bier ‘n laer status geniet het. Dit is gegrond op die veralgemening dat individue slegs alkoholiese drank gebruik het wat ooreenstem met hul eie sosiale klas. Die laer klasse het dus bier gedrink terwyl die hoër klasse alkoholiese drank van ‘n hoër status, naamlik wyn, gedrink het. Ander akademici is egter van mening dat Egiptiese bier deur alle Egiptiese sosiale klasse gebruik is, ongeag die status van bier. Hierdie studie poog om die geldigheid van hierdie teenstrydige akademiese menings te toets en poog ook om te verstaan hoe stellings oor status in die Egiptiese samelewing bedink is en wat hulle wou oordra. Dit is bereik deur die status van Egiptiese bier en wyn te bepaal en dit dan te vergelyk met die besondere status van bier en wyndrinkers in die Nuwe Koningkryk tydperk (c. 1550-1069) volgens die faktore van produksie, verbruik, gesondheid, ekonomiese uitruiling & verspreiding en godsdiens. ‘n Antropologiese benadering is gevolg omdat dit die navorser in staat stel om sosiale partydigheid te beperk en sodoende die Egiptiese samelewing in eie reg te kan verstaan. Resultate van hierdie studie dui aan dat alhoewel Egiptiese bier ‘n veel laer status as Egiptiese wyn geniet het, het alle sosiale klasse nietemin bier gedrink, terwyl net die hoër klasse wyn gedrink het. Die algemene mening is gefalsifiseer, terwyl die universele mening gestaaf word. Die resultate dui ook aan dat die hoër sosiale klasse hul bierverbruik geregverdig het deur ‘n elite bier van hoër status te produseer, uit te ruil en te gebruik op ‘n wyse soortgelyk aan diè van hul wynverbruik, sodat dit gunstig vergelyk met die status van hul sosiale klasse. Hierdie studie los dus nie net ‘n ou akademiese meningsverskil op nie, maar gee ook ‘n nuwe insig in Egiptiese bier en die gebruik daarvan deur die hoër klasse.

Roman gender was often defined and regulated visually – that is, if and under what conditions a woman or man appeared in public, through personal appearance, or through representations in art or literature. In this discourse on gender, the gaze (especially the public’s) was thus an important agent in helping not only to shape gender ideals, but also the direction and function of the discourse itself. The emperor affected these precepts because of his appropriation of public space and his control of the gaze: as the most powerful and high-ranking member of society, no one could be more visible than him, and his own gaze was unlimited: he was all-seeing and all-visible. As befitting these attributes of imperial office, public space became his domain, and he placed limitations on the expression of public images in this space. This therefore affected gender by limiting the ways in which it could be expressed and proved. Within the changed discourse, the emperor was the alpha male, the most masculine man in Roman society, and controlled public space and access to the gaze. Aristocratic males thus suffered a crisis in masculinity, and were forced to find alternate sources of masculinity from the traditional ones of gaining virtus through military service, public oratory and service, and public competition for gloria. In response, some still valued the traditions of military and service to the res publica, but no longer made public expression or competition of virtus as a precondition for its legitimacy or existence – in effect de-linking masculinity from the public sphere. Another response turned to the private sphere for inspiration, finding role models for virtus in ideal women and stressing a man’s behavior in the home as important in judgments on his masculinity. Femininity did not suffer such changes or crisis. Feminine ideals remained relatively stable, but with a few minor changes: imperial women were held to a stricter standard of traditional femininity to prevent their intrusion into imperial power, and their public activities were either low-profile or focused around the family. Aristocratic women had more scope for public activities, which enhanced their femininity but were not prerequisites for being a good woman: that is, it was not necessary for a woman to possess and maintain a public image for her to be feminine.