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<p> Social networking services are used by a large segment of society; Facebook claims that 1 billion users are active on their website. The potential role for social networking in civic engagement is substantial, and this dissertation expands upon previous research in its examination of the relationship between social networking use and civic engagement. Prior research into the effect of social networking services on social capital creation is limited in terms of generalizability and predictive power. The dissertation explores the determinants of social networking service use, the impact that social networking services have on the creation of social capital, and how social networking website use modifies a respondent's level of generalized trust and political efficacy. </p><p> The sample utilized in this dissertation includes 2,303 respondents from the Social Side of the Internet Survey, conducted in November and December of 2010. The dissertation utilizes this data to examine social networking intensity as a hypothesized determinant of indirect and direct forms of social capital. Models explore the decision to utilize the internet, social networking services (SNS), and to join traditional groups, evaluating the hypothesis that SNS usage creates social capital through a different pathway than online or physical interactions. Results provide early support for this hypothesis, as the factors influencing the decision to utilize social networking are separate from those modifying online or group activity. </p><p> The explanatory power of social networking intensity is compared to demographic and group-centered conceptions of social capital generation. The data supports the conception that SNS intensity is a significant determinant of external political efficacy and social capital, but is unable to identify a relationship between social networking intensity and generalized trust. </p><p> By examining the role that social networking services play alongside factors such as age, education, internet use, gender, race, socioeconomic class, technology, and group association, the dissertation tests hypotheses important to political science sub-fields including American politics, civic engagement, and political theory. Future research examining social networking and civic engagement needs to consider how governmental representatives view the social capital generated by social networking services.</p>

<p> Existing approaches to the analysis of participation in community groups have adopted either a social-psychological view or a structural-political view of the impetus for participation. This paper attempts to integrate these two approaches, through analysis of the nature of the link between the impact of the issue, which serves as a source of conflict (a psychological view) and the organizational characteristics of the community group (a structural view). Using Dahrendorf's model of latent and manifest interests, research propositions are generated, focusing on four sets of factors conditioning the selection of group participation as a response to conflict. These are: psychological factors, technical conditions of organization, social conditions of organization, and political conditions of organization.</p> <p> Results of an empirical application of these propositions, using a questionnaire, show that the impetus for participation in a community group is a two stage process, depending on the existence of two separate sets of conditions: the impact of the issues, which is dependent upon the individual's distance from the source of conflict; and the social organization of the group. Based on analysis and interpretation of these results, hypotheses are generated, and are used to modify and expand Dahrendorf's model, in order to make it more applicable to the analysis of community group participation in locational conflict.</p> / Thesis / Bachelor of Arts (BA)

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Open University. BLDSC no. DXN053179.

Thesis (Ph.D.)--Pacific Graduate School of Psychology, 1993. / Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 53-06, Section: B, page: 3142.

Revisionsplikten för de minsta aktiebolagen i Sverige avskaffades 2010, främst för att minska dessa bolags kostnadsbörda. Detta skapade olika reaktioner hos bolagens externa intressenter, både positiva och negativa. Det sågs som positivt för företagandet i Sverige, men det uttryckes också oro för risken att fel i bokföring och deklarationer skulle öka när en revisor inte längre behövde granska dem. Dessa fel kan resultera i felaktigt redovisad skatt och ett ökat skattefel. I skattefel inkluderas alla fel som har en påverkan på den redovisade skatten, och de kan vara både avsiktliga och oavsiktliga. Skattefel påverkar många runt omkring företaget, bland annat de intressenter som verkar på den sociopolitiska arenan, så kallade Stakekeepers. De har inte någon direkt relation till företagets affärsverksamhet, men de har en indirekt betydelse för företaget genom sitt inflytande över opinion och lagstiftning. Dessa intressenters agerande och ställningstagande är idag ett underbeforskat område inom intressentteorin, och det är viktigt med denna teoretiska kunskap för att skapa förståelse för vad som sker på den sociopolitiska arenan. Då dessa intressenter har inflytande över lagstiftning måste lagstiftarna ta hänsyn till deras åsikter i sina betänkande kring nya lagändringar. Under 2015 ska regeringen göra en utvärdering av revisionspliktens avskaffande 2010, för att eventuellt genomföra en ytterligare höjning av gränsvärdena för revisionsplikt, och därmed göra revision frivillig för fler aktiebolag. Studiens syfte är att beskriva och förklara hur intressenter på den sociopolitiska arenan uppfattar skattefelets utveckling, om och på vilket sätt de relaterar denna utveckling till avskaffandet av revisionsplikten, samt vad som motiverar och påverkar deras ställningstagande vad gäller en eventuell framtida gränshöjning. För att uppfylla detta syfte har studien genomförts med en kvalitativ undersökning i form av intervjuer med fyra olika intressenter från den sociopolitiska arenan. Analysen av den empiriska datan, med stöd i den teoretiska referensramen, resulterade i tre slutsatser. Den första handlar om att de olika uppfattningarna kring skattefelets utveckling hos intressenterna på den sociopolitiska arenan har grund i deras respektive yrkeskunskaper. Den andra handlar om att de drivs och påverkas av sina respektive företrädarskap, främst om de är statligt eller privat företrädande. Den sista slutsatsen handlar om att de faktorer som påverkar hur intressenterna förhåller sig till en eventuell framtida gränshöjning är deras företrädarskap, ansvarstagande samt tillit till större företags redovisning / Mandatory auditing for the smallest limited companies in Sweden was abolished in 2010, mainly to reduce the cost burden for these small companies. This created different reactions among the companies' external stakeholders, both positive and negative. It was seen as positive for business in Sweden, but there was also concerns expressed about the risk of errors in the accounts and the declarations, and that they would increase when an auditor is no longer obligated to review them. These errors can result in improperly recognized tax and increased tax error. Tax error includes all errors that have an impact on the reported tax, and they can be both intentional and unintentional. Tax error affects many parties around the company, including the stakeholders operating in the social political arena, so called Stakekeepers. They do not have any direct relation to the company's business, but they have an indirect impact on the company through its influence on public opinion and legislation. These stakeholders' reactions and standingpoints is today a relatively unexplored area within the stakeholder theory, and this theoretical knowledge is important in order to create an understanding of what is happening on the social political arena. As these stakeholders have influence on legislation, the legislators must take their opinions into account in its reports on new legislative changes. During 2015, the government will undertake an assessment of the abolition of the mandatory auditing in 2010, to possibly conduct a further increase in the limits for mandatory auditing, and thus make the audit optional for more companies. The study aims to describe and explain how stakeholders in the social political arena perceive the tax error development, whether and how they relate this trend to the abolition of the mandatory auditing, and further what motivates and influences their position regarding a possible future limit raise. To meet this objective, the study was performed with a qualitative study in the form of interviews with four different stakeholders from the social political arena. The analysis of the empirical data, with the support of the theoretical framework, resulted in three conclusions. The first is about the different perceptions regarding the tax development among stakeholders in the social political arena, due to their professional skills. The second is that they are driven and influenced by their representation, particularly if they are representing the public or the private sector. The last conclusion is about the factors that affect how the stakeholders relate to a possible future limit raise. These factors are their representation, responsibility and their trust in larger companies accounting.

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Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-04T18:28:03Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Cristiane Ramos de Matos Marcal.pdf: 1661436 bytes, checksum: dfead4166efe27064b2170d0567f4937 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-12-11 / This study examines the role of social policies of sexual diversity and the V Conference of Municipal Public Policy, as well as the consciousness movement of members of the LGBT present in a group of social movement of sexual diversity in Campinas / SP. The survey was conducted by recording the participation of 11 members of this group at the preparatory meeting for the conference. The meeting was recorded and transcripted with the permission of its members. The participants included one of the founders of the group and participants who have begun to attend its meetings this year. The analysis used the dialectical historical materialism, through the construction of unit s sense. The results evidenced the confusion that the participants do between public and social policies as well as the separation to the economic policy. The ideological universalization of the human being as a citizen, by the state, was revealed to revolt and the social policy is recognized as limited, but the contradiction is expressed in "bad with it, the worse without it." The process of the V Municipal Public Policy Conference for LGBT as an instrument of popular participation is seen as limited, not effectiveness, but its contradictions has not yet been explained. Even so, the group recognized that this process could be an important meeting place of the movement itself and of new people, and could also be training time to become able to reveal the contradictions of the state as mediator of inequality imposed by irreconcilable class struggle. Was possible to observe the contradictory movement of consciousness undermining the direction of the movement, leading him to adapt to the order, dispose of the human being of his condition of development, taking off the subjectivity of objectivity, materiality and making it impossible to determine the transition to the awareness of the need to transform the society. / Este estudo analisa a fun??o das pol?ticas sociais da diversidade sexual, o papel da V Confer?ncia Municipal de Pol?ticas P?blicas LGBT e elementos do movimento da consci?ncia presentes em um grupo do movimento social da diversidade sexual do munic?pio de Campinas/SP. A pesquisa foi realizada pelo registro da participa??o de 11 integrantes do grupo na reuni?o preparat?ria para a confer?ncia. A reuni?o foi gravada e transcrita com a autoriza??o de seus membros. Dentre os participantes havia um dos fundadores do grupo e participantes que come?aram a ir a suas reuni?es este ano. A an?lise se utilizou do materialismo hist?rico dial?tico, por meio da constru??o de unidades de sentido. Os resultados evidenciaram que os sujeitos n?o distinguem pol?ticas p?blicas e pol?ticas sociais e as separam das pol?ticas econ?micas. A ideol?gica universaliza??o do ser humano como cidad?o, pelo Estado, foi revelada por meio da revolta, e a pol?tica social foi reconhecida como limitada, mas a contradi??o se expressa no ruim com ela, pior sem ela . O processo da realiza??o da V Confer?ncia Municipal de Pol?ticas P?blicas para LGBT de Campinas/SP, como instrumento de participa??o popular, ? tido como limitado, sem efetividade, mas suas contradi??es ainda n?o foram explicitadas. Mesmo assim, o grupo reconhece que esse processo pode ser um importante espa?o de encontro do pr?prio movimento e de pessoas novas, bem como momento de forma??o tendo a possibilidade de revelar as contradi??es do Estado, enquanto mediador da inconcili?vel desigualdade imposta pela luta de classes. Foi poss?vel observar o movimento contradit?rio da consci?ncia comprometendo os rumos do movimento, levando-o a adaptar-se ? ordem, alienar o ser humano de sua condi??o de desenvolvimento, descolando a subjetividade da objetividade, da materialidade que a determina e impossibilitando a passagem para a consci?ncia da necessidade de transforma??o da sociedade.

The dissertation is a philosophical approach to politicizing place and space, or environments broadly construed, that is motivated by three questions. How can geography be employed to analyze the spatialities of environmental justice? How do spatial concepts inform understandings of environmentalism? And, how can geography help overcome social/political philosophy's redistribution-recognition debate in a way that accounts for the multiscalar dimensions of environmental justice? Accordingly, the dissertation's objective is threefold. First, I develop a critical geography framework that explores the spatialities of environmental injustices as they pertain to economic marginalization across spaces of inequitable distribution, cultural subordination in places of misrecognition, and political exclusion from public places of deliberation and policy. Place and space are relationally constituted by intricate networks of social relations, cultural practices, socioecological flows, and political-economic processes, and I contend that urban and natural environments are best represented as "places-in-space." Second, I argue that spatial frameworks and environmental discourses interlock because conceptualizations of place and space affect how environments are perceived, serve as framing devices to identify environmental issues, and entail different solutions to problems. In the midst of demonstrating how the racialization of place upholds inequitable distributions of pollution burdens, I introduce notions of "social location" and "white privilege" to account for the conflicting agendas of the mainstream environmental movement and the environmental justice movement, and consequent accusations of discriminatory environmentalism. Third, I outline a bivalent environmental justice theory that deals with the spatialities of environmental injustices. The theory synergizes distributive justice and the politics of social equality with recognition justice and the politics of identity and difference, therefore connecting cultural issues to a broader materialist analysis concerned with economic issues that extend across space. In doing so, I provide a justice framework that assesses critically the particularities of place and concurrently identifies commonalities to diverse social struggles, thus spatializing the geography of place-based political praxis.

This thesis titled "Media transformation in the Broumov region between 1945 and 1949" looks at the development of print media after World War II in the Broumov region. To help paint a clearer picture of the topic, the first part maps out the situation of the media before 1945. The population of the area was demographically mixed and Germans were a clear majority. It was consequently difficult for the Czech minority to influence public life and altogether impossible for the Czech press to publish. The thesis aims to capture the transformation of German media production towards a Czech one. To explain wider circumstances of the time period, the second part outlines the socio - political situation in Czechoslovakia in the years following World War II. This part also briefly describes how print media was run and administered by the government between 1945 and 1949. The third part examines in more detail the situation in the Broumov region after World War II. It describes such events as the expulsion of Germans, the settling of a new population, the confiscation of German property and the process of creating a new citizen society. In the fourth and ultimate part, the author looks at the birth of Czech press in the region during the first years after the War. The first instance of Czech print media...