This thesis titled "Media transformation in the Broumov region between 1945 and 1949" looks at the development of print media after World War II in the Broumov region. To help paint a clearer picture of the topic, the first part maps out the situation of the media before 1945. The population of the area was demographically mixed and Germans were a clear majority. It was consequently difficult for the Czech minority to influence public life and altogether impossible for the Czech press to publish. The thesis aims to capture the transformation of German media production towards a Czech one. To explain wider circumstances of the time period, the second part outlines the socio - political situation in Czechoslovakia in the years following World War II. This part also briefly describes how print media was run and administered by the government between 1945 and 1949. The third part examines in more detail the situation in the Broumov region after World War II. It describes such events as the expulsion of Germans, the settling of a new population, the confiscation of German property and the process of creating a new citizen society. In the fourth and ultimate part, the author looks at the birth of Czech press in the region during the first years after the War. The first instance of Czech print media...

Various writers, for example Rudolf Bahro and Arne Naess, have for a long time associated Green politics with an impulse toward deepening democracy. Robert Goodin has further suggested that decentralisation of political authority is an inherent characteristic of Green politics. More recently in New Zealand, speculation has been raised by Stephen Rainbow as to the consequences of the direct democratic impulse for existing representative institutions. This research addresses that question. Examination of the early phase of Green political parties in New Zealand has found that the Values Party advocated institutional restructuring oriented toward decentralisation of political authority in order to enable a degree of local autonomy, and particpatory democracy. As time has gone on the Values Party disappeared and with it went the decentralist impulse, this aspect of Green politics being conspicuously absent in the policy of Green Party Aotearoa/New Zealand, the successor to the Values Party. Since this feature was regarded as synonymous with Green politics, a certain re-definition of Green politics as practised by Green political parties is evident. This point does not exhaust the contribution Green politics makes to democracy however, and the methodology used in this research, critical discourse analysis (CDA), allows an insight into what Douglas Torgerson regards as the benefits in resisting the antipolitical tendency of modernity, of politics for its own sake. This focusses attention on stimulating public debate on fundamental issues, in terms of an ideology sufficiently at variance with that prevalent such that it threatens to disrupt the hegemonic dominance of the latter, thereby contributing to what Ralf Dahrendorf describes as a robust democracy. In this regard Green ideology has much to contribute, but this aspect is threatened by the ambition within the Green Party in New Zealand toward involvement in coalition government. The final conclusion is that the Green Party in New Zealand has followed the trend of those overseas and since 1990 has moved ever closer to a commitment to the institutions of centralised, representative, liberal democracy and this, if taken too far, threatens their ideological integrity.

abstract: ABSTRACT This interdisciplinary study examines the linguistic strategies that determine perception of female representation in Peruvian feminist narrative during the late XIX century. It uses as reference narratives that are considered representatives of the literary tendencies of Latin América feminine trajectory. The feminine subject was studied in two novels of Mercedes Cabello de Carbonera: Los amores de Hortensia (1886) and Blanca Sol (1889). The novels were selected with the aim of capturing the evolution and the development of the female characters as self-realizing subjects. The theoretical framework is led by the speech act philosophy of John Austin, John Searle, and Victoria Escandell Vidal. The feminist literary theory is guided by the feminist principle of Judith Butler, Luce Irigaray and Julia Kristeva that relates to the development of female subjectivity; by Sandra Gilbert and Susan Gubar, and Virginia Woolf that reveals the dynamics of women’s creativity. Through a close analysis of the speech acts, the research demonstrates that the female characters used their tactics to complain and request on their attempts to uproot the hegemonic normative social structures. The speech acts are presented as key instrument for a better understanding of the complex mechanisms of language, through which the feminist ideology of the nineteenth century is transmitted and reproduced. Within feminist theory the purpose is to show how the performative nature of language can be applied to the concept of power as subversive resistance. While the evolution of the female protagonists through the different spaces they move were traced, the investigation’s central idea that envisions the feminine subject as a process, was also examined. After comparing and contrasting the portrayal of the protagonists, a thematic analysis was performed to capture the intricacies of meaning within the discourse. The analysis suggests that female representation in literature can be reexamined through historical, political, and socio-economic contexts, as well as through verbal expression. Mainly, the comventional norms that limited women to some social places and that oblige them to maintain proper conducts did not silence them entirely, as we can observe in the petitions and complaints that became transcendent acts of defiance. ABSTRACTO Este trabajo de investigación interdisciplinario examina las estrategias lingüísticas que condicionan la percepción de la representación femenina y feminista en la narrativa peruana de finales del siglo XIX. El sujeto femenino se ha estudiado en dos novelas de Mercedes Cabello de Carbonera Los amores de Hortensia (1886) y Blanca Sol (1889), éstas se seleccionaron con el objetivo de entender la evolución de los personajes femeninos como sujetos que se auto-realizan. El marco teórico para este estudio es guiado por la filosofía hermeneútica de John Austin, John Searle y Victoria Escandell que se basan en la naturaleza performativa de las expresiones lingüísticas. El análisis de género se basa en la teoría de Judith Butler Luce Irigaray y Julia Kristeva que se relacionan con el desarrollo de la subjetividad femenina; en la ideología de Sandra Gilbert y Susan Gubar y Virginia Woolf que exponen las dinámicas de creatividad de la escritora. A través del análisis de los actos de habla, la investigación sugiere que los personajes femeninos usan estrategias de quejas y de pedidos con el intento de eliminar las estructuras sociales hegemónicas. Los actos de habla se presentan como un instrumento necesario para un mejor entendimiento de los mecanismos del lenguaje, por medio de los cuales se transmite la idea feminista del siglo XIX. La teoría feminista tiene como objetivo, explicar cómo la naturaleza performativa del lenguaje se puede adaptar al concepto de poder como resistencia subversiva. Se investiga la idea central de nuestra pesquisa que percibe al sujeto femenino como un sujeto en proceso. Después de comparar y contrastar el perfil de los personajes protagónicos, se lleva a cabo el análisis temático para captar las complejidades del sentido en el discurso. Esta investigación propone que la representación femenina puede ser reevaluada por medio de contextos históricos, políticos y socio-económicos y de expresiones verbales.¬ En general, las normas convencionales del siglo XIX que limitaron a la mujer a ciertas esferas sociales y que requerían de ésta una conducta discreta, no las silenciaron totalmente como se puedo apreciar en los pedidos y quejas que resultaron ser medios trascendentes de actos de desafío. / Dissertation/Thesis / Doctoral Dissertation Spanish 2015

Данная магистерская диссертация посвящена изучению проблем перевода английских социально-политических неологизмов на русский язык. Рассмотрены основные теоретические особенности понятия «неологизм»: его трактование и классификации. В работе также представлены основные способы перевода неологизмов в целом. Поскольку данная магистерская диссертация изучает особенности перевода социально-политических неологизмов, была дана подробная характеристика социально-политическому дискурсу. Для того, чтобы проверить, с какими проблемами сталкивается переводчик при работе с данной лексикой, было проведено исследование, в котором нами было отобрано 104 неологизма, появившихся после 2018 года и не закрепленных в словарях, и 161 вариант их перевода. В результате можно отметить, что на сегодняшний день не существует универсального способа, который подходил бы для перевода незакрепленного социально-политического неологизма. Кроме этого, существует большая вариативность полученных при переводе результатов, возникают трудности при передаче сложной структуры неологизма и зачастую отсутствует точное понимание значения нового слова. Это говорит о том, что проблема перевода неологизмов является одной из ключевых проблем современного переводоведения. / This master’s thesis is devoted to the study of the problems of translation of socio-political neologisms from English into Russian. The main theoretical features of the concept «neologism» such as interpretation and classification have been considered. The paper also presents the main methods of translation of neologisms. In this paper a detailed description of socio-political discourse was given because this master’s thesis studies the peculiarities of translation of socio-political neologisms. To understand which problems the translator faces when he works with this lexis we conducted a research where we have selected 104 neologisms, which appeared after 2018 and were not fixed in the dictionaries, as well as 161 versions of their translation. As a result, it can be noted that today there is no universal method that would be suitable for the translation of every socio-political neologism. Moreover, there is a huge translation variability. Also, there are difficulties in transmitting the complex structure of neologism and often there is no clear understanding of the meaning of the new word. Therefore, the problem of translation of neologisms is one of the key problems of modern translation science.

A presente tese analisa o processo de apropriação privada dos rios de São Paulo e sua participação na produção do espaço da cidade, aprofundando aspectos relativos ao desenvolvimento social, político e econômico, desde sua fundação no século XVI até o início do século XX. Partindo das obras de canalização dos rios Tamanduateí, Tietê e Pinheiros, a pesquisa realiza um recuo histórico até o momento em que os rios e córregos de São Paulo se constituíam como um bem comum e sua principal característica era o uso de suas águas e terras. As diversas atividades relacionadas aos rios e córregos, nos primeiros séculos da ocupação, caracterizam-se pela convivência entre o consumo imediato, a utilização de mão de obra cativa e a obtenção de renda através do trabalho livre, em um momento em que a economia de São Paulo era tímida e a poluição dos rios já era percebida. Durante o século XIX, a partir da cultura do café e da imigração, estabeleceu-se uma economia baseada no trabalho livre assalariado e na valorização da propriedade fundiária. Na cidade de São Paulo, o crescimento populacional e a insuficiência da distribuição de água e esgotamento, associados ao significado econômico da propriedade e a disponibilidade de mão de obra, passaram a representar a possibilidade de valorização do capital a partir do estabelecimento de condições gerais de produção. Os rios de São Paulo foram então incorporados ao processo de provisão de infraestruturas e redes de serviços urbanos. Esse processo de acumulação de riqueza, baseado na expropriação da terra e da água, transformou os rios de São Paulo em recursos econômicos e engendrou um espaço que se caracteriza pela sobreposição do domínio particular sobre o domínio comum. / This thesis analyzes the process of private appropriation of the São Paulo and his participation in the production of the city\'s space, Aspects related to social, political and economic development, From its foundation in the 16th century to the beginning of the 20th century. Starting from the Pipelines of the Tamanduateí, Tietê and Pinheiros rivers, the research Historical retreat until such time as the rivers and streams of São Paulo were constituted as a common good and its main characteristic Was the use of its waters and lands. The various activities Rivers and streams, in the first centuries of occupation, are characterized By the coexistence between the immediate consumption, the use of labor And income through free labor, at a In which the economy of São Paulo was timid and the pollution of the rivers was already Perceived. During the nineteenth century, from the culture of coffee and immigration, An economy based on free wage labor was established And in the valuation of land ownership. In the city of São Paulo, the Population growth and the insufficient distribution of water and depletion, Associated with the economic significance of the property and Labor market began to represent the possibility of Capital appreciation based on the establishment of general conditions of production. The rivers of São Paulo were then incorporated into the Provision of urban services infrastructures and networks. This process Of accumulation of wealth, based on the expropriation of land and water, Transformed the São Paulo rivers into economic resources and spawned A space that is characterized by the overlapping of the particular domain On the common domain.

A presente tese analisa o processo de apropriação privada dos rios de São Paulo e sua participação na produção do espaço da cidade, aprofundando aspectos relativos ao desenvolvimento social, político e econômico, desde sua fundação no século XVI até o início do século XX. Partindo das obras de canalização dos rios Tamanduateí, Tietê e Pinheiros, a pesquisa realiza um recuo histórico até o momento em que os rios e córregos de São Paulo se constituíam como um bem comum e sua principal característica era o uso de suas águas e terras. As diversas atividades relacionadas aos rios e córregos, nos primeiros séculos da ocupação, caracterizam-se pela convivência entre o consumo imediato, a utilização de mão de obra cativa e a obtenção de renda através do trabalho livre, em um momento em que a economia de São Paulo era tímida e a poluição dos rios já era percebida. Durante o século XIX, a partir da cultura do café e da imigração, estabeleceu-se uma economia baseada no trabalho livre assalariado e na valorização da propriedade fundiária. Na cidade de São Paulo, o crescimento populacional e a insuficiência da distribuição de água e esgotamento, associados ao significado econômico da propriedade e a disponibilidade de mão de obra, passaram a representar a possibilidade de valorização do capital a partir do estabelecimento de condições gerais de produção. Os rios de São Paulo foram então incorporados ao processo de provisão de infraestruturas e redes de serviços urbanos. Esse processo de acumulação de riqueza, baseado na expropriação da terra e da água, transformou os rios de São Paulo em recursos econômicos e engendrou um espaço que se caracteriza pela sobreposição do domínio particular sobre o domínio comum. / This thesis analyzes the process of private appropriation of the São Paulo and his participation in the production of the city\'s space, Aspects related to social, political and economic development, From its foundation in the 16th century to the beginning of the 20th century. Starting from the Pipelines of the Tamanduateí, Tietê and Pinheiros rivers, the research Historical retreat until such time as the rivers and streams of São Paulo were constituted as a common good and its main characteristic Was the use of its waters and lands. The various activities Rivers and streams, in the first centuries of occupation, are characterized By the coexistence between the immediate consumption, the use of labor And income through free labor, at a In which the economy of São Paulo was timid and the pollution of the rivers was already Perceived. During the nineteenth century, from the culture of coffee and immigration, An economy based on free wage labor was established And in the valuation of land ownership. In the city of São Paulo, the Population growth and the insufficient distribution of water and depletion, Associated with the economic significance of the property and Labor market began to represent the possibility of Capital appreciation based on the establishment of general conditions of production. The rivers of São Paulo were then incorporated into the Provision of urban services infrastructures and networks. This process Of accumulation of wealth, based on the expropriation of land and water, Transformed the São Paulo rivers into economic resources and spawned A space that is characterized by the overlapping of the particular domain On the common domain.

The objective of this dissertation is to understand how social-political conservative and liberal movements worked in the construction and consolidation of Coup d’État Civilian- Military of 1964, from his performance on the hegemonic, political and political-institutional fields in Rio Grande do Sul, Brasil. With this this objective, the first chapter treats the themes referencing to anticomunism, the Cold War and the ideological clashes that arose from this context that produced a growing polarization in the Brazilian political forces. The ideological glue that unifies the conservative forces, despite their multiplicity, in coping the project of the anti-reformists, has on the Catholic Church and the Press its main vehicle of transmission. In the second chapter, the subject is the political vanguard of the conservative segment of civil society organizations, in particular the self-labeled as producing classes, both in its urban extent, through FIERGS and FEDERASUL, and the rural, with FARSUL. In the third chapter we study the performance of the institutional and political liberals and conservatives forces to support and legitimize the Coup d’État Civilian-Military of 1964, through political parties as PSD, UDN, PDC, PRP and PL, their partisan front, the ADP, and factor decisive in triggering the coup, the government Ildo Meneguetti, fundamental for the success civilian-military coup in Rio Grande do Sul. On this dissertation, we try to demonstrate in practice how socialpolitical liberal and conservative movements work in building and sustaining the Coup ‘État, from its political action in the ideological field, on public opinion and at the political institutions. If we think of it as a preemptive strike, because it is an action triggered against the rise of social movements' struggles and nationalist politicians and reformers and their programs, it is important to highlight that, dialectically, we think about a social-political movement that brings together wide liberals and conservatives sectors on behalf of a project based on the formulations of the National Security and Development Doctrine. The takeover is only possible because of this work arduously growth, which allowed much of the Brazilian society to accept, back in 1964, the project of authoritarian development. / O objetivo dessa dissertação é compreender como os movimentos sociais e políticos conservadores e liberais atuaram na construção e consolidação do Golpe Civil-Militar de 1964, a partir de sua atuação no campo hegemônico, político e, político-institucional no Rio Grande do Sul. Com este objetivo, o capítulo um trata dos temas referentes ao anticomunismo, à Guerra Fria e os embates ideológicos advindos desse contexto que produziu uma polarização crescente nas forças políticas brasileiras. O cimento ideológico que unifica as forças conservadoras, apesar de sua multiplicidade, no enfrentamento aos projetos reformistas é o anticomunismo, tendo na Igreja Católica e na Imprensa seus principais veículos de transmissão. No segundo capítulo, o objeto é a vanguarda política do segmento conservador da sociedade civil organizada, em especial, as auto identificadas como classes produtoras, tanto em sua dimensão urbana, através da FIERGS e da FEDERASUL, quanto a rural, com a FARSUL. No terceiro capítulo estudamos a atuação política institucional das forças liberais e conservadores, para apoiar e legitimar o Golpe Civil-Militar de 1964, através dos partidos políticos, PSD, UDN, PDC, PRP e PL, sua frente partidária, a ADP, e o fator decisivo na deflagração do Golpe de Estado, o governo Ildo Meneguetti, fundamental para o sucesso do Golpe civil-militar no Rio Grande do Sul. Nesta dissertação tentamos demonstrar, como os movimentos sociais e políticos liberais e conservadores atuam na construção e sustentação do Golpe, a partir da sua atuação política no campo das ideias, da opinião pública e no plano político institucional. Se podemos pensá-lo como um golpe preventivo, pois, tratase de uma ação deflagrada contra a ascensão das lutas dos movimentos sociais e políticos nacionalistas e reformistas e seu programa, é importante destacar que, dialeticamente, trata-se de um movimento sócio-político que aglutina amplos setores liberais e conservadores em nome de um projeto baseado nas formulações da Doutrina de Segurança Nacional e Desenvolvimento. Resultado de um intenso trabalho conspiratório e de conquista da hegemonia política para efetivação do programa de crescimento econômico e modernização autoritária. A tomada de poder somente é possível porque este trabalho, arduamente desenvolvido, permitiu que boa parte da sociedade brasileira aceitasse, naqueles idos de 1964, o projeto de desenvolvimento autoritário.

Does banning opposition candidates from ballots increase the risk that they will turn to bullets instead? Globally, since the end of the Cold War, blatant election rigging tactics (such as ballot box stuffing) are being replaced by 'strategic rigging': subtler procedural manipulations aimed at winning while maintaining the guise of legitimacy in the eyes of international observers. In particular, incumbents (in regimes stuck between democracy and authoritarianism) are turning to 'electoral exclusion', neutralizing key rivals by illegitimately banning certain candidates, in turn reducing the need for cruder forms of election day rigging. I used mixed methods - combining insights from an original global dataset with extensive elite interviews conducted in five countries (Madagascar, Thailand, Tunisia, Zambia, and Côte d'Ivoire) - to establish that electoral exclusion is an attractive short-term election strategy for vulnerable incumbents that produces a much higher chance of victory but comes with high costs in the longer-term. Global probit modeling (using electoral exclusion as an independent variable and coups d'état and civil wars as separate dependent variables) suggests that, since the end of the Cold War, excluding opposition candidates from the ballot roughly doubles the risk of a coup d'état or quadruples the risk of civil war onset. In spite of these risks, incumbents fall into this 'exclusion trap' because of the shortened time horizon that frequently accompanies competitive multi-party elections. Vulnerable incumbents worry more about the short-term risk of losing an election than the long-term but ultimately unknown risk that political violence will ensue after the election. Finally, the inverse corollary of these findings is that inclusion of opposition candidates during multi-party elections can be a stabilizing factor. Though it may seem counterintuitive, fragile 'counterfeit democracies' - and so-called 'transitional' regimes - may be able to stave off existential threats to regime survival by extending an olive branch to their fiercest opponents. These findings combine to form the overarching argument of this dissertation: when opposition candidates are excluded from the ballot, they become more likely to turn to bullets by launching coups d'état and civil wars.

The objective of this dissertation is to understand how social-political conservative and liberal movements worked in the construction and consolidation of Coup d’État Civilian- Military of 1964, from his performance on the hegemonic, political and political-institutional fields in Rio Grande do Sul, Brasil. With this this objective, the first chapter treats the themes referencing to anticomunism, the Cold War and the ideological clashes that arose from this context that produced a growing polarization in the Brazilian political forces. The ideological glue that unifies the conservative forces, despite their multiplicity, in coping the project of the anti-reformists, has on the Catholic Church and the Press its main vehicle of transmission. In the second chapter, the subject is the political vanguard of the conservative segment of civil society organizations, in particular the self-labeled as producing classes, both in its urban extent, through FIERGS and FEDERASUL, and the rural, with FARSUL. In the third chapter we study the performance of the institutional and political liberals and conservatives forces to support and legitimize the Coup d’État Civilian-Military of 1964, through political parties as PSD, UDN, PDC, PRP and PL, their partisan front, the ADP, and factor decisive in triggering the coup, the government Ildo Meneguetti, fundamental for the success civilian-military coup in Rio Grande do Sul. On this dissertation, we try to demonstrate in practice how socialpolitical liberal and conservative movements work in building and sustaining the Coup ‘État, from its political action in the ideological field, on public opinion and at the political institutions. If we think of it as a preemptive strike, because it is an action triggered against the rise of social movements' struggles and nationalist politicians and reformers and their programs, it is important to highlight that, dialectically, we think about a social-political movement that brings together wide liberals and conservatives sectors on behalf of a project based on the formulations of the National Security and Development Doctrine. The takeover is only possible because of this work arduously growth, which allowed much of the Brazilian society to accept, back in 1964, the project of authoritarian development. / O objetivo dessa dissertação é compreender como os movimentos sociais e políticos conservadores e liberais atuaram na construção e consolidação do Golpe Civil-Militar de 1964, a partir de sua atuação no campo hegemônico, político e, político-institucional no Rio Grande do Sul. Com este objetivo, o capítulo um trata dos temas referentes ao anticomunismo, à Guerra Fria e os embates ideológicos advindos desse contexto que produziu uma polarização crescente nas forças políticas brasileiras. O cimento ideológico que unifica as forças conservadoras, apesar de sua multiplicidade, no enfrentamento aos projetos reformistas é o anticomunismo, tendo na Igreja Católica e na Imprensa seus principais veículos de transmissão. No segundo capítulo, o objeto é a vanguarda política do segmento conservador da sociedade civil organizada, em especial, as auto identificadas como classes produtoras, tanto em sua dimensão urbana, através da FIERGS e da FEDERASUL, quanto a rural, com a FARSUL. No terceiro capítulo estudamos a atuação política institucional das forças liberais e conservadores, para apoiar e legitimar o Golpe Civil-Militar de 1964, através dos partidos políticos, PSD, UDN, PDC, PRP e PL, sua frente partidária, a ADP, e o fator decisivo na deflagração do Golpe de Estado, o governo Ildo Meneguetti, fundamental para o sucesso do Golpe civil-militar no Rio Grande do Sul. Nesta dissertação tentamos demonstrar, como os movimentos sociais e políticos liberais e conservadores atuam na construção e sustentação do Golpe, a partir da sua atuação política no campo das ideias, da opinião pública e no plano político institucional. Se podemos pensá-lo como um golpe preventivo, pois, tratase de uma ação deflagrada contra a ascensão das lutas dos movimentos sociais e políticos nacionalistas e reformistas e seu programa, é importante destacar que, dialeticamente, trata-se de um movimento sócio-político que aglutina amplos setores liberais e conservadores em nome de um projeto baseado nas formulações da Doutrina de Segurança Nacional e Desenvolvimento. Resultado de um intenso trabalho conspiratório e de conquista da hegemonia política para efetivação do programa de crescimento econômico e modernização autoritária. A tomada de poder somente é possível porque este trabalho, arduamente desenvolvido, permitiu que boa parte da sociedade brasileira aceitasse, naqueles idos de 1964, o projeto de desenvolvimento autoritário.

The objective of this dissertation is to understand how social-political conservative and liberal movements worked in the construction and consolidation of Coup d’État Civilian- Military of 1964, from his performance on the hegemonic, political and political-institutional fields in Rio Grande do Sul, Brasil. With this this objective, the first chapter treats the themes referencing to anticomunism, the Cold War and the ideological clashes that arose from this context that produced a growing polarization in the Brazilian political forces. The ideological glue that unifies the conservative forces, despite their multiplicity, in coping the project of the anti-reformists, has on the Catholic Church and the Press its main vehicle of transmission. In the second chapter, the subject is the political vanguard of the conservative segment of civil society organizations, in particular the self-labeled as producing classes, both in its urban extent, through FIERGS and FEDERASUL, and the rural, with FARSUL. In the third chapter we study the performance of the institutional and political liberals and conservatives forces to support and legitimize the Coup d’État Civilian-Military of 1964, through political parties as PSD, UDN, PDC, PRP and PL, their partisan front, the ADP, and factor decisive in triggering the coup, the government Ildo Meneguetti, fundamental for the success civilian-military coup in Rio Grande do Sul. On this dissertation, we try to demonstrate in practice how socialpolitical liberal and conservative movements work in building and sustaining the Coup ‘État, from its political action in the ideological field, on public opinion and at the political institutions. If we think of it as a preemptive strike, because it is an action triggered against the rise of social movements' struggles and nationalist politicians and reformers and their programs, it is important to highlight that, dialectically, we think about a social-political movement that brings together wide liberals and conservatives sectors on behalf of a project based on the formulations of the National Security and Development Doctrine. The takeover is only possible because of this work arduously growth, which allowed much of the Brazilian society to accept, back in 1964, the project of authoritarian development. / O objetivo dessa dissertação é compreender como os movimentos sociais e políticos conservadores e liberais atuaram na construção e consolidação do Golpe Civil-Militar de 1964, a partir de sua atuação no campo hegemônico, político e, político-institucional no Rio Grande do Sul. Com este objetivo, o capítulo um trata dos temas referentes ao anticomunismo, à Guerra Fria e os embates ideológicos advindos desse contexto que produziu uma polarização crescente nas forças políticas brasileiras. O cimento ideológico que unifica as forças conservadoras, apesar de sua multiplicidade, no enfrentamento aos projetos reformistas é o anticomunismo, tendo na Igreja Católica e na Imprensa seus principais veículos de transmissão. No segundo capítulo, o objeto é a vanguarda política do segmento conservador da sociedade civil organizada, em especial, as auto identificadas como classes produtoras, tanto em sua dimensão urbana, através da FIERGS e da FEDERASUL, quanto a rural, com a FARSUL. No terceiro capítulo estudamos a atuação política institucional das forças liberais e conservadores, para apoiar e legitimar o Golpe Civil-Militar de 1964, através dos partidos políticos, PSD, UDN, PDC, PRP e PL, sua frente partidária, a ADP, e o fator decisivo na deflagração do Golpe de Estado, o governo Ildo Meneguetti, fundamental para o sucesso do Golpe civil-militar no Rio Grande do Sul. Nesta dissertação tentamos demonstrar, como os movimentos sociais e políticos liberais e conservadores atuam na construção e sustentação do Golpe, a partir da sua atuação política no campo das ideias, da opinião pública e no plano político institucional. Se podemos pensá-lo como um golpe preventivo, pois, tratase de uma ação deflagrada contra a ascensão das lutas dos movimentos sociais e políticos nacionalistas e reformistas e seu programa, é importante destacar que, dialeticamente, trata-se de um movimento sócio-político que aglutina amplos setores liberais e conservadores em nome de um projeto baseado nas formulações da Doutrina de Segurança Nacional e Desenvolvimento. Resultado de um intenso trabalho conspiratório e de conquista da hegemonia política para efetivação do programa de crescimento econômico e modernização autoritária. A tomada de poder somente é possível porque este trabalho, arduamente desenvolvido, permitiu que boa parte da sociedade brasileira aceitasse, naqueles idos de 1964, o projeto de desenvolvimento autoritário.