Orientador: Marcos Tadeu Del Roio / Banca: Anderson Deo / Banca: Leandro Oliveira Galastri / Banca: Maria Orlanda Pinassi / Banca: Nildo Silva Viana / Resumo: O objeto desta pesquisa são os Conselhos proletários: formas organizativas das quais as classes trabalhadoras lançam mão em situações de ascenso revolucionário e de acirramento das contradições classistas, com vistas a exercerem a autogestão política e produtiva. A tese aqui defendida é que estes Conselhos possuem intrínseco potencial revolucionário, uma vez que superam o trabalho assalariado e a produção de capital - mediante a socialização dos meios de produção - e o Estado enquanto estrutura de dominação própria do sistema sociometabólico do capital e essencial à sua reprodução. Denominando-os como "não-Estado" defende-se, portanto, a tese de que os Conselhos proletários são a antítese dialética do Estado - e não uma forma específica dele -, e por isso, são dotados de efetiva potencialidade disruptiva com o metabolismo social vigente. Sustenta-se ainda como tese secundária que as prerrogativas teóricometodológicas acerca do Estado determinaram e ainda determinam proposições estratégicas específicas aos movimentos revolucionários. Assim, compreende-se que a centralidade depositada na fórmula da "conquista do Estado" e/ou "construção de um Estado proletário" acabou por fazer esmaecer as iniciativas autônomas dos trabalhadores, de maneira a lhes tolher sua potencialidade emancipatória. Desta maneira, este trabalho se estrutura de forma a apresentar as principais características constitutivas dos Conselhos proletários e do Estado, evidenciando as relações que se estabelecem en... (Resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo) / Abstract: The object of this research is the proletarian councils: organizational forms of which the working classes resort to situations of revolutionary rise and intensification of class contradictions, with a view to exercising political and productive self-management. The thesis defended here is that these councils have intrinsic revolutionary potential, since they outcome wage labor and the production of capital - through the socialization of the means of production - and the state as a structure of domination proper to the sociometabolic system of capital and essential to its reproduction. Denoting them as "non-state", therefore, the thesis defended is that the proletarian councils are the dialectical antithesis of the state - and not a specific form of it - and, therefore, they are endowed with an effective disruptive potentiality with the metabolism in force. It is still held as a secondary thesis that the theoretical and methodological prerogatives about the state have determined and still determine specific strategic propositions to the revolutionary movements. Thus, it is understood that the centrality deposited in the formula of the "conquest of the state" and/or "construction of a proletarian state" ended up mitigating the workers' autonomous initiatives, in order to block their emancipatory potentiality. In this way, this work is structured in such a way as to present the main constitutive characteristics of proletarian and state councils, evidencing the relations that ar... (Complete abstract click electronic access below) / Resumen: El objeto de esta investigación son los Consejos proletarios: formas organizativas de las cuales las clases trabajadoras lanzan mano en situaciones de ascenso revolucionario y de intensificación de las contradicciones clasistas, con miras a ejercer la autogestión política y productiva. La tesis aquí defendida es que estos Consejos poseen intrínseco potencial revolucionario, una vez que superan el trabajo asalariado y la producción de capital- a través de la socialización de los medios de producción- y el Estado como estructura de dominación propia del sistema sociometabólico del capital y esencial a la su reproducción. Denominándolos como "no-Estado" se defiende, por tanto, la tesis de que los Consejos proletarios son la antítesis dialéctica del Estado -y no una forma específica de él-, y por eso, están dotados de efectiva potencialidad disruptiva con el metabolismo social vigente. Se sostiene todavía como tesis secundaria que las prerrogativas teórico-metodológicas acerca del Estado determinaron y aún determinan proposiciones estratégicas específicas a los movimientos revolucionarios. Así, se comprende que la centralidad depositada en la fórmula de la "conquista del Estado" y/o "construcción de un Estado proletário" acabó por hacer palmar las iniciativas autónomas de los trabajadores, de manera que les tolera su potencial emancipatorio. De esta manera, este trabajo se estructura de forma a presentar las principales características constitutivas de los Consejos proletarios y ... (Resumen completo clicar acceso eletrônico abajo) / Résumé: L'objet de cette recherche est les Conseils ouvriers : formes d'organisation dont les classes prolétaires saisissent sur des situations de montée révolutionnaires et d'intensification des contradictions de classe, afin d'exercer l'autogestion politique et productive. La thèse soutenue dans ce travail est que ces Conseils possèdent un potentiel révolutionnaire intrinsèque, vu que ces structures l'emportent sur le travail salarié et la production de capital - en raison de la socialisation des moyens de production - et l'État en qualité de structure de domination propre au système sociométabolique et essentiel pour sa reproduction. Les dénommer comme "nonÉtat" permettre défendre, donc, l'idée que les Conseils ouvriers sont l'antithèse dialectique de l'État - et non une forme spécifique de celui-ci - et ainsi, sont dotés d'un potentiel perturbateur effectif sur le métabolisme social en vigueur. Il se soutient encore comme une thèse secondaire que les prérogatives théoriques et méthodologiques sur l'État ont déterminée et déterminent encore des propositions stratégiques spécifiques aux mouvements révolutionnaires. De cette façon, il est compris que la centralité déposée sur la formule de "réalisation de l'État" et / ou "la construction d'un État prolétarien" avéré s'éteindre les initiatives autonomes des travailleurs, de manière à obstruer leur potentiel émancipateur. Par conséquent, ce travail est structuré afin de présenter les principales caractéristiques constitutives des Conseils ouvriers et de l'État, mettant en évidence les relations établies entre ces sphères en vertu d'une théorie de la transition et des expériences historiques. / Doutor

The thesis is a qualitative study that analyses the personal narratives of isolation and resistance of former Baader-Meinhof prisoners (RAF) in the period 1970-1995 within the context of imprisonment and penality in Gennany. The thesis constructs a picture of isolation and resistance through these individual narratives that illustrate how a state policy to control the communication of individual RAF prisoners was translated into techniques of immobilization - solitary confinement - and surveillance - searches, censorship and monitoring. The narratives recount how these techniques, though central to security and order in prison, were applied and adapted in order to disable the group both within prison and on the outside, and to diminish the (political) resolve of the individual prisoner. The narratives also give insight into individual and collective resistance to isolation, namely the rationales of individual survival and striving for community in the pursuit of collective detention of RAF prisoners. The thesis contributes to the literature on RAF imprisonment by framing the lived experiences of former women and men RAF prisoners and the meanings they attach to isolation and resistance within a power and gendered dimensions of prison life and penality. The study also hopes to contribute wider discussions on imprisonment and penality in Gennany, in particular the governance of women and men prisoners who are constructed as dangerous.

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The nation stood in either awe or disbelief when Bernie Sanders, a political Independent, only recently turned Democrat, defeated the establishment candidate and former first lady, Hillary Clinton, in the early 2016 New Hampshire primary. As the primaries concluded, it became clear that Sanders’ message resonated. But why was this the case after eight years of “hope and change” under the Obama administration? Furthermore, to what extent did Sanders align with traditional Democrats or traditional Socialists and how can we understand the unprecedented success of a presidential candidate who identifies with socialism? My thesis seeks to answer these puzzles. I do so by: interviewing Sanders supporters, investigating the development of American Socialism and Sanders’ own political identity, and analyzing the economic and social factors leading up to the 2016 primaries. Ultimately, my thesis proposes that Sanders’ ability to win over twelve million votes in the Democratic Party primaries stems from his creation of his own brand of socialism that merged traditional socialist principles of championing the working person with the economic and social realities of twenty first century middle-class America.