This dissertation performs a diary-side ethnographic reading of socialist Yugoslavia of the period 1950-1974. It offers a reassessment of the diary-form, starting with an analysis of approaches in historiography, literary studies and theories of the advent of the modern self, by proposing and demonstrating a reading that takes into full consideration the understandings and practice of diary-keeping in terms of anthropological debates. The epistemological concerns surrounding the questions of writing and the field, and the intricate place of the diary genre, of being there, and in the ethnographic archive are situated within close readings of discrete diaries written in socialist Yugoslavia of the period. The diary-form taken in the strict sense implies an account that argues with the reading of diary texts and with “diaristic evidence” and, in this case, depends on the “law of genre.” Its concerns is with the genre practiced, hence authored, by individual diarists,. This ethnographic engagement is rooted in the practice of collecting (published, archival and private sources) and further tracing of the diary texts, by close reading and with attention to the problematic of textuality. Two quasi-concepts of “every-daily inscriptions” and “economies of secret-ing” are posited as generic marks and inform an analytical approach that focuses on the historicity and publicness of the diary-forms at hand. Thus defined, as different textual practices of serial diurnal self-recording that adhere to calendar marks, diaries are not to be substituted for by the ideologies of the everyday, nor simply reduced to chronologies of (general) events. In focus here is the diary-form’s capacity to create withdrawal, not only in terms of publicness, but what is inscribed or marked in the text as the folding of a secret. I read the diary as a place of dissemination and circulation of (public) textual forms. In this way, in the work of this dissertation that depends on diaries as its primary object and source of study, attention is moved to scenes of the social life of the form. It presents the classificatory logic of autobiographical and other documents, public forms, and the literary and (personal) archive-creating practices of diarists. The textual historicity is read within this logic of diaristic inscription and the practices specific to the form, such as withdrawal, re-reading, publishing and keeping. The dissertation probes the question of periodization in terms of the diary-form that is neither a culturally specific practice, nor posited as expressive of the period. It is a study that makes visible a set of contingencies, and thus addresses the complex question of the forms, historicity and historical consciousness inscribed by the diarists’ textual practices outside heritage discourses, histories of the present and the approaches of memory studies. The four parts of the dissertation are curated from within case studies to address the forms of authority and authorial discourses in socialist Yugoslavia where diary-side, or, what is considered to be a subjective source, subsumes the institutional as well as the realms of the “ordinary” along with that of dissent, where studies of the authoritative forms are more frequently directed. The ethnographic work of the dissertation and its arguments are situated within the logic of “diaristic evidence,” where the strictness of the diary-side reading of socialist Yugoslavia puts forth (auto)biographical political authority as a form of political power and its representational logic, the forms of ambassadorial representation of Yugoslav exceptionalism, the claims of youth and generationally authoritative interpretations, the forms of literary authority, and testimonial diaristic accounts.

This project examines urban renewal efforts in Eisenhüttenstadt, a German city on the border between Germany and Poland founded in 1950 as a socialist utopian project. Originally called Stalinstadt, Eisenhüttenstadt was planned as a steel manufacturing hub and worker’s paradise. Its products would enable the rise of cities across the Eastern Bloc and its design, focused on the needs of young families, would be a model of humane urban living. Under East German rule the city thrived. Then, in 1991, came German reunification. Today Eisenhüttenstadt suffers from urban blight, massive unemployment, and depopulation. At the same time, state and private actors are working together to revitalize Eisenhüttenstadt, imprinting on the city a new utopianism as they transform it into a new urban paradigm: an environmentally sustainable city that caters to an aging and shrinking population.  My research uses ethnographic, archival, and visual methods to examine these efforts, and asks how new urban futures can be imagined in deindustrializing cities when traditional engines of growth disappear. I observe how architects and municipal officials draw on Eisenhüttenstadt’s legacy of socialist ethics in urban planning—prioritizing an attention to community cohesion, population density, and the economical use of resources both natural and financial—as they address contemporary crises: unemployment and urban emptiness, rising energy costs, an aging population, and an influx of Syrian refugees. My two primary theoretical interests are, broadly, temporality and materiality. I ask how the 20th century’s industrial and material legacies are being reimagined and redeveloped, what logics stand behind those changes, and how those logics—and legacies—are understood by the people who encounter them. I ask how people use their interactions with the built environment to situate themselves in history, as well as how people’s perception of the past influences their imagination of urban futures. And I ask how, as federal mandates are interpreted at the local level, the socialist ethics which influenced Eisenhüttenstadt’s officials reemerge in the present day. I do so over the course of five chapters. Chapter One examines how socialist urban planning was defined in East Germany and how residents of Eisenhüttenstadt experienced the transition from socialism to capitalism. Chapter Two focuses on one element of the urban landscape called the Wohnkomplex and how it is being rebuilt, according to socialist logics, to accommodate the needs of the elderly. Chapter Three examines street names, and how history comes to be experienced or erased in the urban landscape. Chapter Four examines street lamps, whose partial privatization in 2015 set off robust debate about the failure of local government to prioritize citizens’ well-being over financial gain. Chapter Five focuses on the refugee housing crisis and how residents and municipal officials in Eisenhüttenstadt responded to the unexpected need to house thousands of new residents

In Socialism’s Twilight is a study of the thought and politics of Michael Walzer and the travails of democratic socialism in the second half of the twentieth century. Using the methods of intellectual and political history, it situates Walzer’s political theory and criticism in the context of what might be called the “long New Left,” the overlapping generations of radicals that stretched from the beginning of the Cold War to its end and that supplemented the left’s traditional commitments to socialism with a politics of national liberation, radical democracy, and liberalism. By doing so, the dissertation hopes to trace the development not only of Walzer’s own commitments but also those of the socialist left. Caught in a period of frequent defeat and bitter controversy, socialists found themselves forced into a state of constant revision, as they moved from the libertarian socialism of the 1950s and 60s to the social democratic coalitions of the 1970s and 80s to the liberalism and humanitarianism of the 1990s and 2000s. Opening with the collapse of the Popular Front after World War II, the dissertation follows Walzer’s search for a new radicalism with intellectuals around Dissent and through his involvement in civil rights and antiwar activism. Examining his arguments with an older left over the Vietnam War and with a younger left over Israel, it then tracks Walzer’s movement toward the left-liberal politics of the 1970s and it concludes with chapters on his major works of normative theory and his later humanitarian interventionism. By revisiting his career, In Socialism’s Twilight seeks to identify some of the competing impulses of socialists in the second half of the twentieth century and explore the sometimes creative, sometimes unsatisfying ways they engaged with them. It also hopes to ask some questions facing the left today: How did these socialists reconcile their early commitment to radical democracy with their later one to the welfare state? How did they pair their socialism with a politics of national liberation? How did a figure like Walzer, in part radicalized by the Vietnam War, end up with a more positive view of American force? And how do the often conflicting ideals of the long New Left sit with the socialism of a new generation?

李駿康. / "2004年6月". / 論文(哲學碩士)--香港中文大學, 2004. / 參考文獻 (p. 158-170) / 附中英文摘要. / "2004 nian 6 yue". / Li Junkang. / Lun wen (zhe xue shuo shi)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue, 2004. / Can kao wen xian (p. 158-170) / Fu Zhong Ying wen zhai yao. / Chapter 第一章： --- 導言 --- p.1 / Chapter 第二章： --- ：蒂利希宗教社會主義思想的背景 --- p.5 / Chapter I) --- 引言 --- p.5 / Chapter II) --- 社會及生平背景 --- p.6 / Chapter (a) --- 1914 以前 --- p.6 / Chapter (b) --- 1914-1918 --- p.9 / Chapter (c) --- 1919-1925 --- p.12 / Chapter (d) --- 1925-1933 --- p.15 / Chapter III) --- 小結 --- p.20 / Chapter IV) --- 思想源頭 --- p.21 / Chapter (a) --- 「凱邏斯圈」 --- p.21 / Chapter (b) --- 特洛爾奇與韋伯 --- p.23 / Chapter (c) --- 法蘭克福學派 --- p.28 / Chapter V) --- 總結 --- p.31 / Chapter 第三章： --- 1933年前蒂利希的宗教社會主義 --- p.32 / Chapter I) --- 引言 --- p.32 / Chapter II) --- 文化神學 --- p.32 / Chapter III) --- 宗教社會主義 --- p.42 / Chapter (A) --- 社會主_克思主義共產主義 --- p.43 / Chapter (B) --- 對資本主義的批判 --- p.46 / Chapter (C) --- 「凱邏斯」 --- p.49 / Chapter (D) --- 神律 --- p.54 / Chapter (E) --- 魔魅 --- p.58 / Chapter (F) --- 宗教社會主義原則 --- p.61 / Chapter (G) --- 社會主義的抉擇 --- p.67 / Chapter IV) --- 宗教社會主義的分析和轉向 --- p.72 / Chapter V) --- 總結 --- p.80 / Chapter 第四章： --- 1933年後蒂利希的宗教社會主義 --- p.81 / Chapter I) --- 引言 --- p.81 / Chapter II) --- 1933年後的行動與論著 --- p.82 / Chapter III) --- 文化神學與宗教社會主義 --- p.92 / Chapter IV) --- 後期思想與宗教社會主義 --- p.96 / Chapter (A) --- 愛、力量與公義 --- p.97 / Chapter (B) --- 意識形態與偶像崇拜 --- p.100 / Chapter (C) --- 教會觀 --- p.104 / Chapter (D) --- 上帝國 --- p.109 / Chapter V) --- 總結 --- p.116 / Chapter 第五章： --- 蒂利希的宗教社會主義與現代處境 --- p.117 / Chapter I) --- 引言 --- p.117 / Chapter II) --- 全球的處境 --- p.118 / Chapter III) --- 中國處境 --- p.131 / Chapter IV) --- 香港處境 --- p.144 / Chapter V) --- 結論 --- p.156 / Chapter 第六章： --- 總結 --- p.157 / Chapter 第七章： --- 參考書目 --- p.158 / Chapter I) --- 蒂利希的著作 --- p.158 / Chapter II) --- 硏究蒂利希的著作 --- p.162 / Chapter III) --- 其他參考文獻 --- p.165 / Chapter IV) --- 報刊 --- p.170

More than six decades after its occurrence, China's ‘peasant revolution' of 1949 remains an enigma. According to classical Marxism, peasants are passive ‘objects of history' who must be transformed into industrial workers before they can become agents of revolutionary change. This line of argument is reinforced by much extant Sinology and historical sociology, both of which have treated Maoism either as a disguised continuation of peasant exploitation, or as a failed emulation of Stalinism. Contra these interpretations, this thesis argues that China's peasant revolution was a real historical phenomenon which involved a previously unthinkable form of peasant political agency. To substantiate this argument, the thesis deploys Leon Trotsky's theory of Uneven and Combined Development (U&CD) which posits social development as a non-linear process constituted via multi-societal interaction. This reveals that the origins and specificities of the Chinese Revolution can best be understood with reference to a 'combined development' emerging from China's long-run and short-run interactions with variegated social forms. The first chapter of the thesis shows how China's ‘peasant revolution' remains an insurmountable paradox for the relevant literature, expressed in a shared problem of anachronism. Chapter 2 introduces Uneven and Combined Development as a theory of inter-societal causation that might overcome the problem by virtue of its non-linear conception of social development. Chapter 3 demonstrates how this inter-societal perspective is central to understanding the longue dureé ‘peculiarities' of China's development: the interaction of nomadic and sedentary societies made the Chinese peasants directly subject to a centralizing empire, configuring their political agency quite differently (and with quite different potentials) from that of their European feudal counterparts. Chapter 4 analyzes the specific intersection of the Chinese social formation with the universalizing dynamics of Western capitalism, an intersection which generated the context of China's modern combined development. Chapter 5 then provides a conjunctural analysis of how the revolutionary agency of the peasant came to the fore in China's revolution in terms of a pattern of combined development that substituted the peasantry for the weak bourgeoisie and nascent proletariat as the leading agency of a socialist modernization that fused anti-imperialist struggle and campaigns for rural restoration and national liberation into a single process aimed at overcoming China's backwardness. Finally, Chapter 6 shows how this argument resolves the Sinological debate on whether modern Chinese history is ‘China-made' or ‘West-made'; for it reveals how the interaction of China's premodern social forms with Western modernity co-determined the peculiarites of China's modern transformation. It also provides a critique of extant Marxist historical sociology, arguing that it is built upon a mode-of-production analysis that tends towards falsely unilinear, ‘internalist' explanations.

The history of the Cold War has rarely been looked at through the eyes of the smaller powers, especially ones in the Balkans. Works have also often ignored the actual workings of the international socialist market, and the possibilities it created for some of these small countries. The conventional wisdom has also prevailed that the Eastern Bloc was irreversably lagging technologically, and its societies had failed to enter the information age after the 1970s, one among a myriad of reasons for the failure of socialism. Using the prism of a commodity history of the Bulgarian computer and an ethnography of the professional class that built it and worked with it, this dissertation argues that such narratives obscure the role of small states and the importance of technology to the socialist project. The backward Bulgarian economy exploited the international socialist division of labour and COMECON’s mechanisms to set itself up as the “Silicon Valley” of the Eastern Bloc, garnering huge profits for the economy. To do so, it did not hue a politically maverick road but exploited its political orthodoxy and Soviet alliance to the full, securing huge markets. Importantly, this work also shows that the state facilitated massive transfers of knowledge and technology through both legal and illicit means, using its state security and economic organisations to look to the West. This made the Iron Curtain much more porous for a growing cadre of technical intellectuals who were trusted by the regime in order to create the golden exports of the country. This transfer and mobility helped create an internationally plugged-in and fluent class of engineers and managers, at odds with most of the rest of the economy. At the same time, the Global South became an important area of exchange where these specialists competed with both nascent protectionist regimes and international firms. Using India as a case study, this dissertation shows how Bulgarian met the First World on the grounds of the Third and learned to market, negotiate, advertise, and service customers – a skillset that was then applied to its socialist dealings. Finally, the dissertation examines the domestic impact of such policies. The regime wished to use cybernetics and computing to solve the problems of its lagging economic growth, as well as usher in communism. It introduced both the widespread discourse of technological revolutions to its population, and robots and automation to some of its factories. This created both anxieties and hopes among workers, as well as vibrant philosophical debates about the future roles of humans in the information society, among both technical and humanistic intellectuals. Ultimately, however, the economic inefficiency undermined the promise and this failure was utilised by some technical managers to call for reforms, playing a hand in the end of the regime. They managed to negotiate the transfer to capitalism better than most, utilising their financial and business links, while thousands of engineers also found a better life than the vast majority of Bulgarian workers, through emigration or their possession of cutting edge skills. Using Bulgarian, Russian, Indian archives as well as interviews with living actors, the dissertation thus intervenes in both the view of the Iron Curtain as an impenetrable barrier for ideas, and 1989 as a convenient end point for communism’s legacies. It shows both the creation of new professional classes and how they were plugged into global developments, arguing that some people in the socialist bloc did enter the information age, and it is by paying attention to their actions and interests that we can get a better understanding of the developments of late socialism and its end.

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The 1917 Soviet Revolution in Russia was an attempt to fundamentally reorganise economic, social and legal life along anti-capitalist, participatory and egalitarian lines. This thesis suggests seven criteria for assessing the early Soviet legal debates: 1/. Broad ranging legal debates 2/ The social and historical context 3/. The legal record of Soviet Russia 4/. The socialist opposition 5/. Classical Marxist legal theory 6/. The axis of the early debates 7/. The contrast with Stalinism. An introduction explains the parameters of the thesis. Chapter 1 examines the classical Marxist theory of law and the state. Chapters 2 and 3 review the revolution’s context: the pre-1917 legal record and the political physiognomy and dynamics of the 1917 revolution. Chapters 4 and 5 probe the legal record of early Soviet Russia, and Lenin’s views on law. Chapter 6 reviews the legal debates, while chapters 7 and 8 focus on the particular contributions of Stuchka and Pashukanis. Chapter 9 examines the impact of the Socialist opposition, most notably the Left Opposition formed by Leon Trotsky at the end of 1923. Chapter 10 draws some tentative conclusions. / Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)

The 1917 Soviet Revolution in Russia was an attempt to fundamentally reorganise economic, social and legal life along anti-capitalist, participatory and egalitarian lines. This thesis suggests seven criteria for assessing the early Soviet legal debates: 1/. Broad ranging legal debates 2/ The social and historical context 3/. The legal record of Soviet Russia 4/. The socialist opposition 5/. Classical Marxist legal theory 6/. The axis of the early debates 7/. The contrast with Stalinism. An introduction explains the parameters of the thesis. Chapter 1 examines the classical Marxist theory of law and the state. Chapters 2 and 3 review the revolution’s context: the pre-1917 legal record and the political physiognomy and dynamics of the 1917 revolution. Chapters 4 and 5 probe the legal record of early Soviet Russia, and Lenin’s views on law. Chapter 6 reviews the legal debates, while chapters 7 and 8 focus on the particular contributions of Stuchka and Pashukanis. Chapter 9 examines the impact of the Socialist opposition, most notably the Left Opposition formed by Leon Trotsky at the end of 1923. Chapter 10 draws some tentative conclusions. / Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)