The project team has, on behalf of Autoliv Development AB, analyzed transport flow and logistics in Gothenburg and Shanghai as well as its effects on the society and environment. The project team looked in-depth at different logistics operations, which served as basis for different scenario simulations. Key points of interest in the simulation were traffic safety (including congestion and noise exposure), efficiency, cost and the environmental effect. Due to confidentiality, the original text has been removed. The text above gives a brief overview of different parts of the project.

Trabajo ganador durante en el Curso Taller de Periodismo Literario 2014-2, Facultad de Comunicación y Periodismo, Universidad Peruana de Ciencias Aplicadas - UPC. Lima, Perú / En la actualidad existen muchos programas en la televisión peruana con el objetivo de entretener a un público que cree que lo que ve es divertido, dinámico e informativo, pero en realidad, es solo presentar personajes cuya vida llamen la atención a los televidentes y genere con esto, titulares. Tales como se ve en los periódicos “chichas”, los cuales utilizan la vida y escándalos de los demás para hacer de esto, un tema de interés público y así aumentar la comercialización del medio (el periódico informante). Mediante este documento se busca entender un poco más de el por qué la telebasura tiene tanta acogida en la población. También se podrá entender ¿Quiénes son los verdaderos responsables de que la telebasura se mantenga en nuestra pantalla? Por un lado, el sector privado que se respalda bajo la idea de la libre empresa o la población, que ha desarrollado la idea de que la televisión es un medio para la distracción y la diversión. En el presente documento se analizaran cuatro manifestaciones presentes en la televisión que hacen que este medio este en decadencia. Primero se analizara la presencia de la prensa amarillista en la televisión peruana. Se dará a conocer las causas por las cuales dicha prensa logra influir en la sociedad al manipular la opinión pública. En la segunda parte de la monografía se ha logrado identificar una serie de estereotipos que se manifestaran con una serie de ejemplos que facilitaran la comprensión del tema. Después, se relacionara la telebasura con el interés de los sectores privados, para que dicho estilo de televisión prevalezca en nuestras pantallas. Finalmente, se mostrara un breve panorama de la situación de la mujer en la televisión peruana que pese a que la población ya ha desarrollado ideas más inclusivas y adecuadas para un país en vías de desarrollo; en contraste, la telebasura presenta a la mujer como un objeto de estimulación sexual ya sea mediante los programas o la prensa sensacionalista. Con el objetivo de que la monografía sea interpretada de manera adecuada, se relacionaran las repercusiones en la sociedad peruana por parte de la telebasura, con algunos conocimientos ya aprendidos. En primer lugar, se eligió como primer pilar de la monografía La teoría del juego del lenguaje de Wittgestein, que como ya se podrá comprobar la tele basura no respeta aquel principio que nos dice que el lenguaje es una representación pictórica de la realidad. En segundo lugar, otro pilar del presente trabajo es el Humanismo y los medios de comunicación que nos refleja los cambios drásticos que han sufrido los medios como la televisión.

Trabajo ganador durante en el Curso Taller de Periodismo Literario 2014-2, Facultad de Comunicación y Periodismo, Universidad Peruana de Ciencias Aplicadas - UPC. Lima, Perú / El 5 de octubre del 2014, se llevaron a cabo las elecciones regionales y municipales. En estas elecciones se lanzaron a la alcaldía de Lima 13 candidatos: Edmundo del Águila Herrera, por el partido Acción Popular; Eduardo Guillermo Arteta Izarnotegui, por el partido Alianza para el Progreso; Alex Gonzales Castillo, por el partido Democracia Directa; Fernán Romano AltuveFerres Lores, por el partido Vamos Perú; Felipe Baldomero Castillo Alfaro, por el partido Siempre Unido; Nora Bonifaz Carmona, por el partido Partido Democrático Somos Perú; Moisés Luis Meises Valencia, por el partido Partido Humanista Peruano; Jaime Alejandro Zea Usca, por el partido Partido Popular Cristiano – PPC; Alberto Sánchez Aizcorbe Carranza, por el partido Fuerza Popular; Saleh Carlos Heresi Chicoma, por el partido Perú Patria Segura; Enrique Javier Cornejo Ramírez, por el partido Partido Aprista Peruano; Oscar Luis Castañeda Lossio, por el partido Solidaridad Nacional; y por último, Susana María del Carmen Villarán de la Puente

This research proposes and develops a critical framework - a 'matrix' to make sense of the artistic process from the practitioner's perspective. It draws from the research of de Certeau into everyday culture and the art historical discourse of Bourriaud that positions art within models of social interaction. As a critical concept the everyday has benefits for re-thinking the nature of creative activity and its reception. The term participatory relational practice is used \ 11 this thesis to define an approach that situates the artist within the everyday. The matrix is constructed reflexively through three of my art projects and by analysing two artists engaged by the On the Edge research programme to conduct two projects. Used reflectively in and on practice the matrix sensitizes the artist to judgements, values and qualities within a dynamic process of exchange and transaction. The matrix represents a core from which judgements about practice are considered and negotiated. It comprises three inter-dependent dimensions, which the artist selfconsciously models. The aesthetic may be defined as the intricacies of giving form to experience, the ethical as enabling individuals to share a freedom to think, speak or act differently, and the polemical as forming, expressing and enacting a view or position. The research proposes that a nuanced critique may be defined as the interplay between the aesthetic, the playful and resistance. It responds to the need identified in the discourse to develop a multidimensional understanding of practice. The matrix is a way of considering and representing the aesthetic as part of an interdependent whole - a system of values. The research addresses artists and critical theorists interested in collaboration and multi-disciplinary work. The matrix is both interpretive and generative. It can be used to structure and evaluate projects. It has implications for pedagogy in terms of better equipping younger artists with the skills necessary for operating within the everyday as the multi-layered fields of civic society.

This study is primarily concerned with answering several important questions surrounding the Anglo-Iranian Oil Dispute of 1950-1951 which have remained unanswered. What were the detailed origins of the disputes between the Iranian Government and the Anglo-Iranian Oil Company? Why was such a favourable oil concession granted to a British citizen? What was the impact of the occupation of Iran on the Iranian people's way of political thinking and how did oil become an issue for public debate? Why was there an oil crisis in 1951 ? What were the motivations of the parties to the oil dispute? Was the crisis mainly over economic grievances ? What was the role of nationalism ? These are answered within a framework that highlights the salient variables such as politics, economy, international relations and diplomacy. The methodology adopted is a descriptive analysis of archival material and literature on the related subjects. The emphasis is on the Iranian view of the crisis for the reason that, although it received international attention and was in many ways an international crisis, it originated in Iran. There were features unique to it which were Iranian. Given the nature of Iranian society with its strong oral traditions, the past is important to an explanation of the crisis. It is alive in Iranian mind in a way not apparent to western society. Conceptions of the past and an awareness of the weakness of Iranian autonomy are important in the context of the 1950 crisis.Consequently, it is necessary to examine the concept of history prevalent in Iran. This takes the staring point of the thesis to the D'Arcy oil concession. In 1900, Iran was bankrupt in Western terms, the Shah needed immediate cash payment,I authorities were financially corrupt and politics was riddled with foreign intrigue. Oil had been sought in Iran since 1878 without much success. By 1900, the demand for Iranian oil was supported by the British Legation. D'Arcy, an English financier, managed to obtain, through connections with a string of individuals, an oil concession for 60 years. The Iranian authorities had every reason to believe that this oil concession, like all other oil concessions would eventually lapse. However, D' Arcy worked the concession to the point of bankruptcy and his engineer, to the point of exhaustion. As a result an oil industry was established which "was to see the Royal Navy through two world wars, and to cause Persia more trouble than all the political manoeuvrings of the great powers put together". 2The world oil rivalry, compounded with the British government's desire for oil independence, turned the Iranian oil industry into the largest oil industry of the time and an important source of income for the British Treasury. The exploitation of the oil reserves of Iran by an industrial power soon became a matter of great controversy as disputes developed between two parties which extended over several decades. Iran received some funds in revenues. However, the revenues did not improve the Iranian standard of life considerably although they affected the balance of payments, currency reserves and purchase of arms. Iranian society was in the process of transition from a traditional society to a modern one. The Constitutional Movement of 1906 had an impact on the public's political way of thinking. Reza Shah suppressed the society but the desire for a democratic system continued to exist. During the reign of Reza Shah (1925-1941), a large portion of the rural population moved to urban areas. The industrialisation of Iran helped in developing a new class of urban middle class and artisans. It was obvious that the relationship between Iran and the oil company needed readjusting. However, the oil company officiIs did not show much interest in this until it was too late. The occupation of Iran in 1941 helped several political forces appear on the political scene. The released communist prisoners quickly formed the Tudeh Party. The communists were assisted by the Soviet forces in the North to the extent that the Tudeh, a communist party, became one of the main political parties of this period in an Islamic society. However, several factors helped monarchists overcome the communists. One such factor was an increasing American involvement in Iran after Pearl Harbour which functioned as a third power to reduce the dominance of the others. The Tripartite Treaty of 1942 regularised the presence of American troops. The Tehran Declaration of 1943 provided for economic aid at the end of the war. In 1947, the ideological basis for American involvement in Iran was provided by Truman Doctrine. The final blow to the Tudeh Party was delivered in 1949. The attempt on the Shah's life gave the monarchists an excuse to outlaw the Tudeh. Contrary to their ideology, Moscow provoked discontented Iranian minorities rather than encouraging class struggle ! Moscow menaced Iran several times. At least at two occasions Moscow demanded an oil concession. They also threatened Iranian integrity and caused a great deal of public anxiety which directed public attention to Iranain problems. The Azarbaijan crisis of 1945-1946 turned Iranian problem into an international one. Moscow's pressure on Greece and Turkey threatened Western interests in the Near and Middle East and caused inter-Allied friction. In 1941, Iran appeared to have become a model for Allied cooperation. By 1944, however, the first post-war oil crisis seemed to haye turned Iran into a battleground between foreign powers ; the early stages of the cold war. On the Iranian side, at least since 1944 there was a demand for oil nationalisation. The idea developed first into a law forbidding negotiating or granting new oil concessions to foreign powers until Iran was occupied. Mosaddegh was mainly responsible for this. Then in 1947, an overwhelming majority of Majles deputies rejected a Soviet proposal for an oil concession in the North. The Majles instructed the government to negotiate with the Anglo-Iranian Oil Company for better terms. This set in motion a chain of events which resulted in a proposal to supplement the 1933 oil concession which had replaced the D' Arcy concession. In 1949, a small group of nationalists fiercely fought the proposals. The press criticisms, the Majles debates and public gatherings helped ordinary people understand the oil issue. However, despite strong opposition, the monarchists were III favour of the Supplementary Agreement and attempted to resolve the issue by appointing a strong military man, General Razmara, as prime minister in June 1950. The idea, however, backfired as public desire for the removal of foreign influence was now strong. The Majles opposition, the press and the public appeared to be united. Nationalist feelings were fuelled by long-term resentment over the oil company's handling of the oil issue. By early 1951 nationalist sentiment was too strong to be curtailed. By this time Razmara had become a threat both to the Shah and to the nationalists and acted like an obstacle on the way to the oil nationalisation. His assassination, in March 1951, removed this obstacle. By this time the support for the movement, the demand for oil nationalisation and respect for Mosaddegh covered far-right to the far-left as both clergy and communists supported the nationalists. The communists were represented by the banned Tudeh Party. The political activities of the clergy was mainly associated with Kashani. His role in the movement and relationship with Mosaddegh were vital to the existence of the movement. However, Mosaddegh and Kashani were on a collision course. The Western-educated Mosaddegh was secular. Kashani, on the other hand, was in favour of an Islamic state. The same definition applied to their supporters. However, although they differed in their outlook, the unifying figure of Mosaddegh brought them together over the oil issue; a process which was reversed after 1951. Kashani and some nationalists weakened Mosaddegh and assisted in his downfall. Mosaddegh initiated the first petrodiplomacy in Iranian history. He dedicated his life to fight foreign domination and the nation trusted him. Without him it would be impossible for the nationalists to acquire a political standing strong enough to nationalise the oil. Regrettably, his downfall in 1953 brought an end to his efforts to remove foreign influence from Iran. Iran has been a centre of major political events for over 2000 years. In recent history, the development of two superpowers, Russian and British empires, on either side of Iran changed Iran's geopolitical situation to the extent that they fought within Iran for the dominance of Asia. As a result Iran's independence was weakened, its integrity was threatened, domestic feud was encouraged, corruption and intrigue were promoted, and self-interest and low morality became a feature of life.Whether a victim of international power politics, or a victim of internal strife. low political culture, and short-sightedness of Iranian politicians, the super powers could not tolerate the upset of the oil control in the Middle East. The country-by-country flare-up effect of such an achievement would be disastrous for the Western economy. In their view, the nationalist movement of Iran had to be defeated. Indeed, no other oil-producing country considered oil nationalisation for many years to come.

No description available.

Masters in Public Administration - MPA / This study attempted to examine the role that selected civil society groups played to promote citizen participation in governance processes. / South Africa

Sweden's insolvency laws has been criticized both by lawyers operating within the nation and by the EU. The insolvency laws in the nation are underdeveloped and has not kept up with the globalization that is currently happening in the world. Because of the Bankruptcy law’s construction many of the debtors commit the crimes that are listed in chapter 11 BrB against their creditors to avoid filing for bankruptcy. The reasons for this may be that during bankruptcy or a reorganization within the business the debtors lose their influence over the company and have to rely on a trustee whom have the legal right to liquidate the business which is often the outcome of a bankruptcy or reorganization. This essay will present de lege lata and de lege ferenda with the help of current swedish law, how this affects the debtors in regards of committing crimes against their creditors and a comparison between international and swedish laws where the international laws shows a much more positive approach regarding bankruptcy with their ideas of fresh starts. The EU has introduced a directive that will enforce new insolvency laws in june 2019, the directives purpose is to harmonize the states insolvency laws in order to promote establishment over national borders which match their goals to encourage international affairs. The directive has taken the debtors side in favour of the creditors, which may help the competitive market and the state whom will collect taxes and other social fees. This approach may harm the creditors own businesses and cause them to have to file for bankruptcy due to unpaid debts. Regardless of where one stands on the issue of who should have the most protection during a bankruptcy there is an obvious need for a more globalized insolvency law to further the economical climate in the world today.

No description available.

This research study is about the process of democratization currently taking place in Libya. For decades, the now dead dictator Muammar Gaddafi has ruled Libya, himself as the central power. Under his rule, he led a policy that deinstitutionalized the country. When the dictatorship was overthrown, there were hopes that the country would begin its democratization. Now when democratization has started, free and known elections have taken place and a constitution has been formed. The constitution guarantees the most basic human rights and that the country will eventually become a democracy. New data show that the civil war and the absence of institutions makes it impossible to achieve the goal of democracy. This study aims to problematize the absence of institutions in order to achieve consolidated democratization. The starting point for the study is to assume the basis of the theoretical framework's criteria on what a consolidated democratization is. One assumption in the study is that public institutions are absolutely necessary in order for a consolidated democratization to be achieved.