Inaug.-diss.--Würzburg. / "Literatur": p. vii-x.

Inaug.-diss.--Würzburg. / "Literatur": p. vii-x.

Thesis (M.A.)--Georgia State University, 2005. / Title from title screen. Jeremy Crampton, committee chair; Christine Skwiot, Dona Stewart, committee members. Electronic text (116 p. : ill., maps (some col.)). Description based on contents viewed Apr. 27, 2007. Includes bibliographical references (p. 110-116).

Agricultural journalism and agricultural communication have been researched in depth, identifying job skills, job satisfaction, educational backgrounds, and curriculum issues. However, a study examining the spheres (subjective, institutional, contextual, and societal) that influence how agricultural journalists and communicators do their jobs—as indicated by Esser’s (as cited in Frölich & Holtz–Bacha, 2003) model of spheres of influence on journalists—could not be found. This study utilized Esser’s model to identify those factors and determine whether their influences differ demographically. A total of 256 members of the International Federation of Agricultural Journalists, American Agricultural Editors’ Association, North American Agricultural Journalists, and Association for Communication Excellence in Agriculture, Natural Resources, and Life and Human Sciences responded to a researcher-designed instrument and a thirdparty Web-based survey tool. The respondents demographically resembled populations in similar studies. Data were analyzed using statistical tools and quantitative content analysis. This study found a relationship between the jobs that agricultural journalists and communicators do and the societal sphere (p=.04), which includes personal values, desire for self-realization, professional values, and conception of a journalist’s role. The spheres of influence of international organization (IFAJ, AAEA, and NAAJ) members and domestic organization (ACE) members were compared. The difference in the societal sphere was of medium effect size (d = .39), indicating that organizational membership influences members’ perceptions about themselves and their roles. Respondents indicated the most important skills for new agricultural journalists were personal attributes and skills, such as curiosity and adaptability; writing; and communication. The most important skills for new agricultural communicators were communication, personal attributes and skills, and journalistic skills. The most important future issue for agricultural journalists and communicators was agricultural technology and development. The findings indicate that agricultural journalists and communicators are influenced by their personal and professional values, perception of their professional roles, and desire for self-realization. Future agricultural journalists and communicators should seek training in personal attributes and skills, writing, communication, and journalistic skills. This study contributes to research in agricultural journalism and communication because it encompasses a global perspective by including respondents outside North America.

Inaug.-Diss.--Breslau. / Lebenslauf. "Literaturverzeichnis": p. [vii]-ix.

Inaug.-Diss.--Breslau. / Lebenslauf. "Literaturverzeichnis": p. [vii]-ix.

American Geopolitical Culture strongly rejects the concept of spheres of influence, but great power competition often dictates a tacit acceptance of rival powers' privileged zones of control. During the Cold War, the Soviet Union sought to maintain a sphere of influence along its border, and on multiple occasions resorted to the use of force to maintain control over foreign states. How did the United States react to the Soviet use of force in sovereign territory that fell within the Soviet privileged spheres of influence? This paper looks at three case studies, the Hungarian Revolution, the Prague Spring, and the Soviet Invasion of Afghanistan, and provides an analysis of the American foreign policy response, and the geopolitical and cultural values that informed policymakers' decision-making. Despite the limited interventions pursued by the United States, the United States constantly sought to undermine Soviet efforts to maintain a sphere of influence. In Hungary and Czechoslovakia, the United States prioritized long-term strategies on a global scale to weaken the Soviet Union in lieu of tactical interventions in opposition to the Soviet use of force. In Afghanistan, the United States continued to maintain its long-term strategies, while taking advantage of unique local factors to place additional strain on the Soviet Union. Across all three case studies the United States consistently pursued strategies that sought to weaken the Soviet Union as a whole, rather than just target individual spheres of influence. / Doctor of Philosophy / This dissertation examines the American response to the Soviet use of force within its spheres of influence during the Cold War. American politicians have strongly rejected the validity of spheres of influence and consider them to be a form of imperialism that undermines a state's sovereign right to govern its own affairs. During the Cold War, the Soviet Union used military force to exert control over spheres of influence in Hungary, Czechoslovakia, and Afghanistan. The American response to each of these case studies varied. In Hungary and Czechoslovakia, the United States actively avoided intervening against the Soviet invasion, while in Afghanistan the United States provided extensive aid in the form of weapons, training, and intelligence. What explains the difference in the American approach to each of these case studies? This dissertation argues Soviet sphere of influence dynamics were stronger in Hungary and Czechoslovakia, which acted as a deterrent to any American intervention. Rather than engaging the USSR in its established spheres of influence, the United States prioritized opposing Soviet expansion elsewhere while propagandizing Soviet brutality to sway world opinion away from the Soviet Block. In Afghanistan, Soviet influence was considerably weaker, allowing the United States greater opportunities to contest the Soviet invasion directly.

Structural Violence and Great Power Competition: The Effects of Sino-U.S. Geopolitical Rivalry in the Indo-Pacific Abstract This paper examines the effects of the ongoing strategic rivalry between China and the United States for influence over the Indo-Pacific in order to demonstrate the negative impacts upon structural violence within the region. Using an amalgamation from various authors, this paper establishes a definition and set of criteria for the presence of structural violence which are then applied to the cases of Vietnam, Myanmar, and Japan. By correlating the mechanisms with which China and the United States garner influence with the specific consequences for the prevalence and severity of structural violence, this paper illustrates that the ongoing geopolitical rivalry poses considerable threats to all Indo-Pacific nations regardless of their development status or social, political, economic, and geographic characteristics. Results indicate that the extent of each country's structural violence was directly or indirectly affected by the presence of foreign involvement, and that different levels of alignment or independence can serve to reduce or exacerbate these effects. Furthermore, evidence indicated that China's methods pose a more immediate threat to induvial countries, but that the United...

Austro-Hungarian Activities in China, 1894-1914 PhDr. Jan Kočvar My Ph.D. thesis evaluates Austro-Hungarian activities in China between 1894 and 1914, especially their political aspects. I would like to explain the nature of Austro-Hungarian contacts with China and their significance for the Dual Monarchy. The main source for my thesis was constituted by the materials in Haus-, Hof- und Staatsarchiv in Vienna. Austria-Hungary concluded diplomatic relations with China in 1869, but her position in China remained weak. After the Sino-Japanese War, the Far East became a focus of interest of the Great Powers, and in 1896 was appointed the first Austro-Hungarian Minister to China. During the Scramble for Concessions in late nineties, Austro-Hungarian navy conducted survey of Chinese littoral and contemplated an establishment of a naval base in China, but finally rejected this idea. Austro-Hungarian trade and other interests in China were too insignificant to justify such an action. The peak of Austro-Hungarian presence is connected with the Boxer Uprising of 1900. Austria-Hungary didn't contribute to its genesis. During the uprising, Austro-Hungarian sailors were fighting in besieged Legation Quarter in Beijing, as well as in the metropolitan province of Zhili. Thereafter, Austro-Hungarian diplomacy took...

La stratégie culturelle est une composante essentielle de la stratégie globale de puissance d'un Etat au XXIe siècle. La France, puissance culturelle historique dotée d'un réseau diplomatique fort, structurant son action culturelle extérieure, voit une concurrence émerger sur la scène internationale. Pour garder son statut, elle défend la diversité culturelle, démarche complémentaire de celle d'exception culturelle, en conservant les acteurs traditionnels de l'influence. Or, dans une époque du tout numérique et de l'immédiateté, et de l'essor des acteurs privés, les codes de l'influence sont renouvelés, remettant en question la pertinence d'une action culturelle extérieure principalement publique. / In the 21st century, cultural strategy is a crucial component of a State’s overall strategies of power. France, a historically prominent cultural power whose strong diplomatic network structures its foreign cultural action, is being challenged by an emerging international rivalry. In order to maintain its status, France advocates for cultural diversity, as a process complementary to “cultural exception,” by retaining the traditional agents of influence. But in the age of the digital and of immediacy, and with the rise of private agents, the codes of influence are being renewed, which questions the suitability of a foreign cultural action that has largely remained publicly funded.