This thesis aims to analyze poems by Emily Dickinson and John Milton according to Julia Kristeva&rsquo / s theories of poetic language and abjection, and to see the extent to which these concepts are applicable to two such different poets and also to see how the poets compare within such analytic framework. Kristeva adapts a psychoanalytic approach to poststructuralist theory. Psychoanalytic criticism with its two leading figures, Sigmund Freud and Jacques Lacan, has been analyzed to see its reflections on Kristeva&rsquo / s theory. As regards, the semiotic, the symbolic, the abject and the paragrammatic structure of poetic language are four main concepts which have been found to be critical tools to be used in the analyses of Dickinson and Milton&rsquo / s poems. What has been concluded from the analyses in this thesis is that in both Dickinson and Milton&rsquo / s poems, according to Kristeva&rsquo / s theory of poetic language, there is the intrusion of the semiotic into the symbolic which is further supported with the concept of the abject. Also, the difference between a seventeenth century and a modern poet in terms of a Kristevan approach has been deduced in this thesis. That is, Kristeva&rsquo / s theory of paragrammatic structure has proved that in v Dickinson&rsquo / s poems, each and every word helps to sustain an image. Contrary to this, in Milton&rsquo / s Comus, which is a work of the seventeenth century, it has been somewhat difficult to apply Kristeva&rsquo / s theory of paragrammatic structure.

The raison d¡¦être for non-profit organizations (NPO) is to promote its ideas in hoping to change the society. NPOs pursue the goals that benefit the public, and communicate and market its missions through various channels, thus can be considered as a branch of ¡¥social marketing.¡¦ However, as a member of the mundane world, however supreme its ideals may be, from the perspective of symbolic interactionism and Irving Goffman¡¦s dramaturgy, NPOs inevitably face the same reality like any other organizations ¡V the gap between ideas and practices, the contrast between front-stage and back-stage, and the seemingly irrelevance but virtually two sides of one coin between seriousness and ludicrousness. This study uses two small NPOs as the context for research and the field for participant observation. The research adopts ethnographically-oriented participant observation as its methodology approach. Taking ¡¥social marketing¡¦ as a contrast, it uses dramaturgy, social representation theory, and symbolic interactionism to sneak into the process of human interaction under the sacred umbrella of NPOs¡¦ missions. The results indicate the following points: 1.During the process of idea practicing, ideals have to compromise with practices, and a balance between the two has to be met; 2.Although the participants of NPOs¡¦ activities appear to be supportive to NPOs, they may actually be attracted by the activities itself (not the ¡¥mission¡¦), or even worse ¡V they do not really care about what NPOs intend to do; 3.It appears that volunteers come forward to help marketing activities because they identify with the NPOs; however, very often they are being attracted by their own interest and/or ¡¥guan-xi¡¦; 4.Full-time workers are responsible for daily operation of the NPOs, and therefore have more knowledge about the organization. Although they are on behalf of their organizations and thus their ideals, they still need to practically make their livings while also look for opportunities for self-fulfilling. 5.Under the guidance of their missions, NPOs also face challenge to survive, and have to interact and communicate with the public under the framework of daily life.

<p>Software systems form an essential part of Western society,serving as tools to uphold institutions, processes andservices. It is understandable, therefore, that the mostfundamental aspects of programs are their function and utility.But they are not, however, the only things programmers areconcerned with when writing them.</p><p>On the contrary, programmers also discuss about many otheraspects of software, including the beauty of code. Theydistinguish between different programming styles and expresstheir personal preferences, often by way of admiring andvilifying other people's code. Programmers' identification withaesthetic preferences may give rise to vanity, to disagreementsso entrenched that they deserve the name of 'holy wars' and toother similar phenomena.</p><p>This thesis describes and analyses these phenomena, whichultimately originate in the human faculty to create andappreciate nuances, to become attached to them and to engage indisputes because of them - even infields as standardised ascomputer programming. Its aim is to expose the aesthetics ofcode, and in doing so, to discuss the symbolic aspects ofinstrumental action at large.</p><p><b>Keywords:</b>aesthetics, code, instrumental action,internet discussion fora, programming, symbolic action</p>

Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Wollongong, 2001. / Typescript. Bibliographical references: leaf 287-297.

Thesis (M.A.)--Memorial University of Newfoundland, 2001. / Bibliography: leaves 168-173.

Thesis (M.S.)--Florida State University, 2004. / Advisor: Dr. Bing Kwan, Florida State University, College of Engineering, Dept. of Electrical and Computer Engineering. Title and description from dissertation home page (viewed June 16, 2004). Includes bibliographical references.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Queensland, 2002. / Includes bibliographical references.

Thesis (M.S.)--Missouri State University, 2009. / "May 2009." Includes bibliographical references (leaves 21-24). Also available online.

This research investigated the basis upon which undergraduates construct notions of social honor and the role higher educational institutions play in the consolidation of status group cultures in Mexico. The topics I analyzed included the criteria college students use to evaluate the worthiness of their peers and friends and the meaning they attach to studying at certain higher educational institutions. This study drew primarily on 65 in-depth interviews and four focus group sessions with 15 students enrolled at socioeconomically stratified private and public higher educational institutions in a large city. I also relied on an institutional analysis of the higher educational institutions where I did my research to complement the analysis. The findings of this research show that there are institutional similarities in relation to the moral criteria undergraduates use to evaluate the worthiness of their friends and peers. However, there are important institutional differences showing that Mexico’s system of higher education attracts and trains at least four status groups. The status groups cultures associated with educational credentials show that there are significant cultural and socioeconomic distinctions within the high cost private sector. In particular, there is a clash between an old pedigree status group for which social connections are of outmost importance and a new emerging upper-middle class that competes through the rigorous academic training its undergraduates receive. The other two status groups are composed of lay and large public universities that attract middle-class students and demand-absorption institutions that train students who did not gain admission to public universities or who want to avoid the negative stereotypes associated with public universities. Undergraduates from these two last groups occupy the bottom of the occupational and prestige hierarchy. This research also shows that most of the internal hierarchies undergraduates use to rank their peers do not transcend the walls of a specific college. However, the testimonies of high class students revealed that members from this social stratum determine the worthiness of others based on residential location. This dissertation also shows that socioeconomic and cultural boundaries provide some of the most important sources of symbolic divisions among college students in Mexico. / text

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