Approved for public release, distribution is unlimited / Increased focus on the TBA after Hizballah-linked bombings in Buenos Aires (1992) and the Argentine- Israeli Mutual Association (1994), and again after the September 11 attacks in the United States, produced an increased understanding of Hizballah's fundraising operations, but also led Hizballah to shift its fundraising operations to other Latin American locations- to which the location, nature, and extent are largely unknown. This thesis develops a framework to identify where and how Hizballah conducts fundraising operations in Latin America. The focus of analysis is how host-nation characteristics, geo-strategic variables, and diaspora characteristics influence the nature and significance of Hizballah's fundraising operations in Paraguay and Ecuador. Hizballah's fundraising operations in Paraguay are shaped by favorable geo-strategic variables, hostnation characteristics, and diaspora characteristics. Predictably then, Hizballah employs a wide range of fundraising operations in Paraguay producing substantial profits. In Ecuador as well, geo-strategic variables and host-nation characteristics facilitate fundraising operations. More interesting however, Hizballah has likely tailored its fundraising operations to mitigate the influence of unfavorable diaspora characteristics and maximize the potential of favorable host-nation characteristics and geo-strategic variables. This thesis finds that diasporas are valuable to fundraising operations and outlines policy implications for their treatment by governments combating terrorist fundraising operations. / Lieutenant, United States Navy

Thesis (Ph.D.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Political Science, 1982. / Includes bibliographical references. / by Steve Richard Pieczenik. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Political Science, 1982.

This research examines the emergence of terrorism as a legal and political category in late colonial India from 1897 to 1946. Chapter 1 traces debates surrounding laws of sedition from the 19th century and follows these laws into the early twentieth century, where they come to be viewed as increasingly inadequate in dealing with the unprecedented challenge presented to the colonial regime by secret societies using bomb assassinations against the government. Chapter 2 then examines how these discussions change in the context of the First World War, when a language of war and concerns regarding third party German involvement provide the opportunity for the imperial government to strengthen its emergency laws by legislating against 'conspiracy'. Chapter 3 demonstrates how, following the end of the war, conspiracy became itself viewed as an inadequate term and officials made a conscious decision to present revolutionaries under the label of 'terrorism' in subsequent speeches. This continued into the early 1930s, where laws in India began to target terrorism as a discrete category of crime, in legislation such as the Suppression of Terrorism Outrages Act of 1932. Chapter 4 situates this process within the context of the international system of the interwar period, first exploring India's under-studied relationship with the League of Nations and then indicating how this relationship became a point of critique for those labelled by the government as terrorists, particularly the Bengali revolutionary Rash Behari Bose. Chapter 5 shows how the discussions surrounding the Convention for the Prevention and Punishment of Terrorism in 1937, the world's first international law to target terrorism as a discrete category of crime, reflected many of the concerns that animated discussions in India. The chapter also examines India's role in the Convention, as the only member-state of the League to ultimately ratify the treaty.

This study examines the argument that Islam is far removed from violence in any form. It also delves into the discussion that many of the terrorist activities that have been carried out in America have much to do with homegrown terrorism than those related to Islam. At the center of this research is the Ahmadiyya Muslim Community which sees itself as an authentic form of Islam attuned to American values and offering a concise and rational version of Islam. This study explores the various outreach initiatives and activities of the Ahmadiyya that supports the counter-narrative that Islam does not condone violence. Following the various engagements and activities by the Ahmadiyya that are conducted both online and physically with the Hispanic and African community in Miami, the study concludes that the counter-narrative of Islam by the Ahmadiyya is far from the violence perpetrated in its name.

This thesis investigates the impact of terrorist attacks on equity financial markets. It employs traditional event study approaches to identify and measure stock market reactions to terrorist attacks in New York on September 11, 2001, and subsequent terrorist attacks in Madrid, London and Bali. Three studies are presented. The first study investigates the impact of September 11 on the tenant firms within the World Trade Centre. The second study investigates industry effects following the Madrid and London bombings. The third study undertakes a sensitivity analysis to different event study techniques over the various terrorist attacks. The results from the three studies suggest that equity markets can remain efficient in the wake of terrorist events. Terrorist events can trigger large abnormal movement in both equity prices and volume traded. These price and volume effects are influenced by industry effects. Terrorism has a differential impact on stock markets and industry portfolios within stock markets. The detailed analysis presented in this thesis can be used to exploit that industry effect and can be employed to guide diversification strategies that could minimize terrorist risk through industry diversification. The thesis has also evaluated alternative event study methods and produced a critical analysis of event study methodology. It shows clearly that methodological choices can and do significantly influence results. The thesis contributes to eliminating some uncertainty about the markets response to terrorist events, and identifies opportunities for reducing terrorist risk in stock markets.

<p>Syfte: Syftet med uppsatsen är att undersöka vilken diskurs som präglar nyhetsartiklar (från Dagens Nyheter och Aftonbladet) som handlar om terrorism och terrorister. </p><p>Teori: Studien görs ur ett diskursanalytiskt och semiotiskt perspektiv genom att studera artiklarnas huvudsakliga ämne, den schematiska strukturen samt hur ordföljden och ordvalet ser ut i nyhetstexterna. </p><p>Metod: Undersökningen grundar sig dels på en kvantitativ analys där artiklarnas huvudsakliga ämne bestäms, dels på en djupare, kvalitativ analys där nyhetstexterna granskas mer ingående gällande den språkliga formen. </p><p>Resultat: Resultaten visar att den språkmässiga skillnaden i rapporteringen om terrorism i artiklarna från de båda tidningarna är marginell. Den största skillnaden ligger dels på det kvantitativa planet gällande de huvudsakliga ämnena, dels på den schematiska uppbyggnaden. Diskursen överlag i artiklarna grundar sig på synsättet att terrorism utgör ett hot mot samhället, vilket i ett längre perspektiv skulle kunna leda till hat och förakt mot Arabvärlden och människor som kommer därifrån.</p>

Thesis (LL. M.)--Judge Advocate General's School, United States Army, 1999. / "April 1999." Computer-produced typeface. Includes bibliographical references. Also issued in microfiche.

Syfte: Syftet med uppsatsen är att undersöka vilken diskurs som präglar nyhetsartiklar (från Dagens Nyheter och Aftonbladet) som handlar om terrorism och terrorister. Teori: Studien görs ur ett diskursanalytiskt och semiotiskt perspektiv genom att studera artiklarnas huvudsakliga ämne, den schematiska strukturen samt hur ordföljden och ordvalet ser ut i nyhetstexterna. Metod: Undersökningen grundar sig dels på en kvantitativ analys där artiklarnas huvudsakliga ämne bestäms, dels på en djupare, kvalitativ analys där nyhetstexterna granskas mer ingående gällande den språkliga formen. Resultat: Resultaten visar att den språkmässiga skillnaden i rapporteringen om terrorism i artiklarna från de båda tidningarna är marginell. Den största skillnaden ligger dels på det kvantitativa planet gällande de huvudsakliga ämnena, dels på den schematiska uppbyggnaden. Diskursen överlag i artiklarna grundar sig på synsättet att terrorism utgör ett hot mot samhället, vilket i ett längre perspektiv skulle kunna leda till hat och förakt mot Arabvärlden och människor som kommer därifrån.

This thesis explores security planning policy in Canada. It provides a historical overview of the securing of cities from the threat of mass violence and demonstrates how violence affects urban populations and the form and function of cities as a result. A purposefully stampeded case study approach is used to determine the state of security planning in Canada and compare selected cities to a benchmark case of Washington D.C. This thesis contributes to the understanding of security planning within Canada in the post September 11, 2001 world and offers insight into strategies used in defense of urban areas The review of literature and discussion sections also provide a critical assessment of security planning which has occurred in the time following WWII, the IRA crisis in Britain the FLQ crisis in Quebec and the terrorist attacks in London and New York in the past decade. Research questions are answered through a case study and literature analysis approach. Results demonstrate that American responses to the threat of terrorism have motivated various governmental agencies to create policy and physical responses to respond to the threat of terrorism. This thesis concludes that Canada, in comparison to the United States and other areas has done little to secure itself against terrorist attack and more specifically that urban planning and municipalities in Canada have done little to integrate anti-terrorism security planning into their planning policy. It is argued that a lack of federal mandates, a lack of motivation and education in planning spheres as well as funding issues are contributing factors.

Did the terrorist attacks of September 11th change the way the United States ought to contain, confront, or neutralize threats abroad? Or, can the US use the same set of tools and responses in crafting a response to terrorist threats, present and future? These are the questions that underlie the debates, discussions, critiques, and conclusions throughout this work on the US war on terror. After Al Qaeda attacked the US on September 11th 2001, the US launched its war on terror. This global war builds upon the premises of the just war tradition while using the policies of the American neoconservative movement. In essence, the neoconservative movement takes a piecemeal approach to just war theory in order to meet its various goals. This is embodied by politicians from both the left and right that represent this movement, particularly those that run the current American administration. The reason is that the neo-conservative agenda has become a pervasive part of American foreign policy and any discussion of the US execution of the war on terror must necessarily include a discussion of neoconservative practices within its literature review. The question posed with regard to the war on terror as it is currently executed is whether it is just against measures of just war theory and other normative measures. The measurement of the successes and failures of the war on terror is grounded in the overarching framework of just war theory because it represents the prevailing norms and the international community understandings with regard to the conduct of war and armed conflict. The thesis of this work believes that the US, despite its policy of preemption, has been successful in working within just war theory on the short term (tactical) level. However, in the long term (strategic) sense, where the goal is to ferret out the root causes of terrorism, the US has failed in the four years since September 11th.