The purpose of this study is to examine how the Swedish Young Conservatives related to Vietnam issue between 1965 and 1973 by studying the organization's own newspaper with the method qualitative text analysis as described in Esaiasson et al. (2007). In the absence of previous research which has studied the same topic we have chosen to relate the results of this study to previous studies, that have dealt with Svenska Dagbladet´s attitude to the Vietnam war, as it is the most well known conservative Swedish newspaper and can thus be considered representative of the conservative press in Sweden. In order to achieve the aim, we studied the association's view on the Vietnam conflict, on American policy and on the Swedish Government's policy as well as on Vietnam issue as discussed in Swedish public opinion.The results shows that Swedish Young Conservatives retains a positive image of the United States  for almost the entire investigation period, when the United States is seen as the good party in the conflict and as a symbol for democracy and freedom. A new and more negative image of the United States is emerging in 1972. The conflict is seen as the United States fight against communism until 1972, when a reassessment of the conflict takes place and the United States presence in Vietnam is beginning to be questioned. The result also shows that the Swedish Young Consevatives remains critical of the Government's policy of Vietnam during the entire investigation period, in line with the moderate party. Key words: Vietnam War, Swedish Young Conservatives, Swedish conservative press, Swedish foreign politics.

In 1952 Turkey was invited to become a member of the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation. This study examines the context of the Turkish demand for an American security guarantee and of American and British security interests in the Eastern Mediterranean in the late 1940s in the light of Cold War developments. The postwar weakness of Great Britain, who had until then guarantied the status quo in the area induced Ankara to tum to the United States as a guarantor of Turkish political independence and territorial integrity against a powerful Soviet Union. The Turks asked for a formal alliance with the Americans, but this proved to be a difficult task. In the eyes of American military and State Department officials Turkey was a barrier against Soviet penetration in the Middle East. Hence, it was thought necessary to strengthen her resistance to the Soviets through the provision of American military aid. However,, Washington was reluctant to stretch the United States' resources by extending its commitments to this area which was still thought to be a British military responsibility. Britain for her part responded to Turkish demands in accordance with her general interests in the Middle East. London regarded Turkey as a part of Middle East defence: hence, it favoured an American commitment to Turkey, but mainly as a means of getting the Americans involved in the area as a whole. The evolution of American military thinking regarding Europe and the Middle East in 1951, made Washington to revise its policies towards Ankara. The realisation of Turkey's importance for the organisation of defence both in Western Europe and the Middle East along with the fear that Turkey might turn neutral in the event of a conflict with the Soviet Union induced the Americans to meet Turkish demands in what appeared to be the easiest way, that is, inviting Turkey to join the Atlantic Alliance. The study concludes that in the late 1940s Ankara followed a pragmatic foreign policy. Turkish leaders had a clear perception of their country's interests and were particularly alert at exploiting the circumstances which would promote them. In contrast, the foreign policy of the United States towards the Eastern Mediterranean was still developing and lacked the determination of a great power. Britain, on the other hand, continued to plan like a great power although it was obvious that she was not in a position to do so any more.

The thesis analyses Britain's political involvement in Bulgaria during 1943 - 1949. It explores Britain's motives for seeking increased influence in the country and traces the most significant British attempts to shape Bulgarian politics. It examines British strategic decisions and diplomatic activities in Bulgaria against the background of the evolving domestic political situation and of Soviet objectives in the Balkans. Evidence from British archives is tested against recently released Bulgarian and Russian sources. The study clarifies problems central to the interpretation of post-war Bulgarian developments and addresses the question of British attitudes to the whole of Eastern Europe. Bulgaria's marginal place in British political and military thinking is found to be at odds with the country's recognised strategic importance. Towards the end of the Second World War, Bulgaria attracted the attention of the British Government occasionally, mostly in the context of broader regional issues such as that of the Balkan Federation. Although the realisation of limited capabilities to influence Bulgarian developments coloured Britain's wartime approach, never did British policy makers disavow interest in Bulgarian affairs. The research establishes that in the armistice period British policy towards Bulgaria was overwhelmingly governed by traditional geopolitical factors. These focused around Bulgaria's potential military threat of British imperial positions in the Eastern Mediterranean and overshadowed any proclaimed British commitment to democracy. Britain's priorities were complicated by the emerging Cold War as a Soviet-dominated Bulgaria was perceived as a springboard for Communist penetration of Europe. Ironically, British unwillingness to challenge Soviet influence in the northern Balkans exacerbated the very dangers Britain was striving to alleviate. Wavering British support for the Bulgarian anti-Communist Opposition only served to expose Britain's weaknesses and further antagonise the Soviet Union. This engendered continuous restraint and gradually led to the isolation of Britain from Bulgarian politics after British recognition of the Bulgarian Communist Government in 1947.

No description available.

No description available.

No description available.

No description available.

Thesis (Ph.D.) -- University of Adelaide, Dept. of Law, 1999. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 269-293).

Thesis (Ph.D.)--Ohio University, August, 2007. / Abstract only has been uploaded to OhioLINK. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 272-289)

Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Europe and Eurasia))--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2009. / Thesis Advisor(s): Yost, David. "June 2009." Description based on title screen as viewed on July 10, 2009. Author(s) subject terms: NATO, unification, Cold War, security. Includes bibliographical references (p.53-57). Also available in print.