At the end of World War II, the United States emerged as a world leader, putting into place international institutions based on its own liberal economic philosophy. Since then, the world has witnessed an increasing interconnectedness among states, with economic relationships continually blurring the distinction between domestic and international, as well as between state and societal forces. Much of the world associates this increased interconnectedness with human suffering around the globe. This dissertation seeks to test the effects of economic globalization on personal integrity violations within a state, on the whole. Specifically, I examine three aspects associated with globalization, trade openness, investment and IMF funding within a state. Liberal economic theory suggests that economic relationships should foster positive gains. Particularly, economic relationships engender economic prosperity, diffusion of norms and idea, as well as the growth of a middle class which increasingly demands respect for its political and civil rights. Consistent with the liberal paradigm, I find that open trade and investment lead to improved personal integrity rights. In addition, investment which originates from the hegemon is especially likely to increase a state's respect for personal integrity rights. Conversely, IMF funding is likely to provoke protests from people in recipient countries, which often leads to increased repression by the state. To the extent that the IMF chooses to place importance on human rights, future attention should be paid to the practices of recipient countries. Overall, this dissertation suggests overall support for the liberal paradigm, that open economic policies are most likely to lead to improved levels of personal integrity rights.

The main goal of this diploma paper is to analyze the activity of International Monetary Fund and World Bank Group as a part of global governance during the solution to problems of recent world economy and to assess the future situation of these organizations. First chapter characterizes the process of globalization, defines global problems and meaning of global governance. Second chapter is devoted to the concrete role of International Monetary Fund and World Bank Group in the global governance, it analyses their structure, activity, decision making and functions during the solution chosen global problems. And third chapter tries to refer to the weaknesses, insufficiencies and problems of both organizations and explores the ways how to solve them.

This thesis deals with the development of the International Monetary Fund from its establishment to the present in connection with the changing reality in the world economy and with its reform in the new millennium that was caused by the unsuitable form of this institution considering the current situation in the world economy. In the third part it deals with the development of this reform in connection with the last financial crisis and with the impact of this crisis on the International Monetary Fund.

Since gaining independence, sub-Saharan Africa has experienced periods of internal conflict at higher rates than other regions. The region has also experienced protracted economic problems. Many African countries have implemented International Monetary Fund (IMF) programs designed to improve a state’s long-term economic viability. IMF conditionality, however, has led to a host of problems in sub-Saharan Africa that potentially increase the risk of experiencing internal conflict. The results of this research demonstrate that the implementation of the Enhanced Structural Adjustment Facility significantly increases a country’s risk of experiencing armed civil conflict. Neither the Structural Adjustment Facility nor the Poverty Reduction and Growth Facility have the same affect, though prior conflict, higher GDPs, negative GDP growth, moderate levels of social fractionalization, transitional regimes and the presence of enclave economies do increase conflict risk.

In this thesis, I seek to understand the historical process by which Haiti has become a site of economic exploitation and labor coercion. I identify a remarkable continuity in the justification of economic oppression at three historical junctures: the reestablishment of plantation production under Toussaint Louverture in 1800, the agrarian development projects implemented by the American occupation 1918 and 1929, and the IMF agricultural liberalization measures implemented in between 1986/87 and 1993/94. I argue that a violent and chronically unstable juxtaposition between “civilized” elites and “uncivilized” masses creates and sustains a political system of brutal exploitation. A racialized logic lies at the heart of the civilization fantasy and maintains the economic, political and cultural configurations of peasant and proletariat oppression in Haiti.

Thesis (M.A.)--University of Akron, Dept. of History, 2006. / "December, 2006." Title from electronic thesis title page (viewed 12/31/2008) Advisor, Walter L. Hixson; Co-Advisor, Jane Kate Leonard; Department Chair, Walter L. Hixson; Dean of the College, Ronald F. Levant; Dean of the Graduate School, George R. Newkome. Includes bibliographical references.

Univ., Diss.--Utrecht, 2001. / Literaturverz. S. [307] - 348.

What triggers political unrest under International Monetary Fund (IMF) programmes? Why do we see unrest - protests, strikes, and riots - in some countries under IMF programmes and not in others? This thesis argues that IMF labour conditionality in an immobile labour market compounded by intrusive fiscal conditionality and blocked democratic channels result in unrest. Where labour is immobile in the borrowing country, IMF labour conditionality decentralising the market creates large-scale grievances among the labour groups. Immobile labour groups substantially lose income and benefits under those measures due to high wage differentials and varied labour protection measures across sectors. Moreover, uncertainty and risks increase, while the opportunities to return back to employment or to maintain the existing income and benefits diminish. When the political authority is unable to address the rising grievances due to tight fiscal conditionality and blocked democratic channels, we observe political unrest under IMF programmes. Where labour is mobile, on the other hand, it is easier for workers to switch between sectors and jobs when the economic crisis hits their sector. The labour groups respond to the internal crisis and the external impact by increasing mobility and switching to the sectors that are still growing despite the crisis. Labour conditions do not give rise to a similar degree of uncertainty and risks compared to immobile markets. Hence, programmes are implemented without large-scale unrest. The study tests this theory in a global sample of 117 countries between 1970 and 2013 and investigates the impact of mobility and IMF conditionality on unrest with a data set originally compiled and coded for this study. It then delves into two extreme cases, Greece, 2010 and Turkey, 2001. While Greece had extreme immobility and received intrusive labour and fiscal conditionality in 2010, Turkey is located on the opposite end of the spectrum, with very high levels of mobility, the limited number of labour conditions, and greater fiscal space. We see that while Greece witnessed large-scale unrest in 2010, Turkey implemented the programme smoothly. Finally, the study applies the theory into three shadow cases, Ireland, 2010, Latvia, 2008, and Portugal, 2011 and demonstrates that the varied degrees of mobility and conditionality and fiscal conditionality result in different degrees of unrest.

Orientador: Jose Carlos de Souza Braga / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Economia / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-06T12:10:05Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Bueno_FabioMarvulle_M.pdf: 708476 bytes, checksum: b0c673a7ce0d2ab6d303fc22f7ad184c (MD5) Previous issue date: 2006 / Resumo: Este trabalho analisa as transformações na economia brasileira decorrentes dos acordos com o Fundo Monetário Internacional entre 1998 e 2002, focando as mudanças de papel desempenhado pelo Fundo na evolução da economia internacional e as repercussões em um dos principais instrumentos da instituição, as condicionalidades. Analisa também as características gerais dos acordos de 1998, 2001 e 2002, destacando tanto o processo de internalização dos parâmetros dos acordos, pelo uso das condicionalidades, visando a eliminação da discricionaridade da política econômica em relação às principais características da macroeconomia brasileira do período / Abstract: This dissertation analyses the transformations in Brazilian economy as a result of International Monetary Fund programs from 1998 to 2002, emphasizing the role change played by Fund in evolution of the international economy and the repercussions in one of the main instruments of the institution: conditionalities. It also analyses the general characteristics of the agreements in 1998, 2001 and 2002, with emphasis in the process of internationalizing the agreement, by using conditionalities, in order to eliminate the discricionarity of political economy, as well as the main characteristics of the Brazilian macroeconomy in this period / Mestrado / Mestre em Ciências Econômicas

Magister Legum - LLM