O presente estudo tem por objetivo caracterizar as Guerras do Líbano (1975-90) como resultantes do processo de desintegração do Império Otomano no quadro definido pela aceleração histórica de acordo com Yves Lacoste. Ela evidencia o processo/projeto balcanizador, ou seja, de divisão territorial em base étnica, do Líbano e do Oriente Médio iniciado com o expansionismo europeu a partir do séc. XIX e a continuidade dada a tal processo pelas modernas geoestratégias israelenses, as quais, com suas rupturas, logram imprimir moto próprio à sua operação na Região. Desta forma, traçamos um painel histórico da evolução do Líbano dentro do quadro de tensões geopolíticas regionais e internacionais, como a queda do Império Otomano, a fundação de Israel e os movimentos nacionalistas árabe e judeu, os refugiados palestinos e as crises no Golfo Árabe-Pérsico (as Guerras do Iraque de 1980 e 1991), que se constituíram em fatores de instabilidade para o território libanês. Assim, as Guerras do Líbano (1975-90) permitiram que o território libanês passasse a servir como campo de batalha para as guerras do Oriente Médio, nas quais se insere as invasões israelenses do Líbano, em 1978 e em 1982, com seus intentos balcanizadores. / This study aims to characterize the Lebanon War (1975-90) as a result of the process of disintegration of the Ottoman Empire in the framework defined by historical acceleration according to Yves Lacoste. It shows the process / project balkanizing, i.e., territorial division based on ethnic, Lebanon and the Middle East started with the European expansion from the Nineteenth century and continuity to this process given by modern geo-strategic Israelis, which, with its ruptures, manage to print their own motto accord to its operation in the region. Thus, we draw a historical overview of developments in Lebanon within the framework of regional and international geopolitical tensions, as the fall of the Ottoman Empire, the founding of Israel and the Arab and Jewish nationalist movements, Palestinian refugees and the crisis in the Gulf Arab Persian (Iraq wars of 1980 and 1991) that formed factors of instability for the Lebanese territory. Thus, the Lebanon War (1975-90) allowed the Lebanese territory passed serve as the battleground for wars in the Middle East, which falls in the Israeli invasions of Lebanon in 1978 and 1982, with its attempts balkanizing.

Por meio de dois artigos, um de revisão bibliográfica e outro de pesquisa empírica, este trabalho busca examinar os impactos para o Egito, e as repercussões para o Oriente Médio, da ascensão da Irmandade Muçulmana ao poder após a deposição de Hosni Mubarak, ditador egípcio durante três décadas. O caso do Egito é o objeto da pesquisa pois exemplifica de forma cristalina como as aberturas democráticas nos países árabe-muçulmanos representam um enorme desafio para essas sociedades. A atuação da Irmandade Muçulmana em um ambiente de liberdade era aguardada por observadores dentro e fora do Oriente Médio pois, como principal movimento adepto do chamado islã político, seu sucesso ou fracasso poderiam indicar a possibilidade de êxito na construção das democracias locais, uma vez que parece inevitável o islamismo, como sinônimo de islã político, ser o primordial beneficiário da ruína dos regimes despóticos que grassam na região. Como base para esta análise, o primeiro artigo busca, por meio de uma revisão bibliográfica da história e da ideologia da Irmandade Muçulmana, desde sua fundação, em 1928, as explicações para o comportamento do grupo após a queda de Mubarak. O segundo artigo, por sua vez, estuda a conduta da política externa do Egito e reconstrói a forma como a ditadura de Mubarak desempenhava suas relações exteriores, comparando esta com a política externa do Egito durante o governo de Mohamed Morsi, irmão muçulmano eleito presidente do país em junho de 2012. Por fim, o segundo artigo busca entender os impactos provocados pelo período de governo da Irmandade Muçulmana na política externa do Egito na fase seguinte, após a deposição de Morsi (julho de 2013), em que o país passou a ser liderado pelo marechal Abdel Fattah al-Sissi, cujas ações na seara internacional são manifestamente tomadas em oposição não apenas à Irmandade Muçulmana, mas a qualquer elemento que possa ser identificado com o islã político. / Through two articles, a literature review and an empirical analysis, this paper seeks to examine the impacts to Egypt, and the implications for the Middle East, of the rise to power of the Muslim Brotherhood after the overthrow of Hosni Mubarak, Egyptian dictator for three decades. The case of Egypt is the object of research because it exemplifies in a crystalline way how the democratic openings in the Arab-Muslim countries represent a huge challenge for these societies. The performance of the Muslim Brotherhood in a freer environment was expected by observers inside and outside the Middle East because, as the main supporter of the movement called political Islam, its success or failure could indicate the possibility of success in the construction of local democracies, since it seems inevitable that Islamism, as synonymous with political Islam, be the primary beneficiary of the ruin of the despotic regimes that are rife in the region. As a basis for this analysis, the first article seeks, through a literature review of the history and ideology of the Muslim Brotherhood, since its founding in 1928, the explanations for the behavior of the group after the fall of Mubarak. The second article, in turn, studies the conduct of foreign policy of Egypt and reconstructs how the dictatorship of Mubarak played its foreign relations, comparing this with the foreign policy of Egypt during the reign of Mohamed Morsi, muslim brother elected president of the country in June 2012. Finally, the second article seeks to understand the impacts caused by the period of government of the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt\'s foreign policy in the next stage, after the deposition of Morsi (July 2013), in which the country was led by Marshal Abdel Fattah al-Sissi, whose actions in the international arena are clearly taken in opposition not only to the Muslim Brotherhood, but the elements which can be identified with political Islam.

Thesis advisor: Ali Banuazizi / Thesis advisor: Sarah Babb / This dissertation focuses on the intersection of global and indigenous advocacy strategies in feminist women’s movements in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA). I explore strategies of resistance and innovation in three contexts: (1) Globally, I analyze a sample of MENA NGOs in a transnational women’s rights network, Women’s Learning Partnership (WLP) and their interactions in the international funding sphere; (2) Domestically, I examine a local Moroccan NGO’s strategy development process and their domestic and regional partnerships when organizing to reform the Moudawana (1999-2004); and (3) Regionally, I analyze inter-organizational collaboration and coalition building between three NGOs in the Campaign to Reform Arab Women’s Nationality (2001-2008). I locate the dissertation in a feminist activist framework and draw from diverse data sources, including years of fieldwork with WLP (2004-2008); participant observation and notes from five transnational women’s rights meetings (2005-2008); a content analysis of a sample of international funders’ and MENA feminist NGOs’ websites; and two in-depth case studies with data derived from historical analysis, three months of fieldwork in Morocco, interviews with Moroccan, Lebanese, and regional activists, and secondary document analysis. The findings provide deeper clarity into the strategic action of MENA feminist movements and the variety of social, political, and economic forces that shape their discourses and practices for achieving social change and gender equality. The findings contribute to the scholarly literature on transnational feminism and social movements and its intersection with the law. / Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2009. / Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences. / Discipline: Sociology. / Discipline: Psychology.

O objetivo principal deste trabalho é analisar o crescimento da Al Jazeera, a rede de TV árabe que mudou a realidade da imprensa no Oriente Médio e em poucos anos se tornou uma das mais vistas no mundo. A rede de TV foi fundada em 1996 em Doha, Catar, durante um período de grandes mudanças no país. Até o ano anterior, um governo conservador limitava os avanços, mas um golpe de Estado levou ao poder o atual Emir, que começou a promover reformas liberais resultando assim em mudanças significativas ao país. A criação da Al Jazeera era parte de um plano de modernização. Em 2001, o canal árabe ganhou notoriedade quando transmitiu os vídeos de Osama Bin Laden. Desde então, o mundo voltou os olhos para o que estava sendo produzido lá. Em 2006, a emissora lançou um canal em inglês, a fim de mostrar as notícias de uma perspectiva árabe. A pesquisa foi baseada na bibliografia especializada e nos trabalhos teóricos de comunicação que complementam com observações in loco e entrevistas com a equipe da Al Jazeera em Doha. Nesta dissertação, analisam-se o contexto de surgimento da Al Jazerra, a cobertura de algumas guerras e transformações, o surgimento de outros veículos e a criação do canal em inglês com o intuito de compreender o processo de consolidação e expansão dessa rede. / The main purpose of this paper is to analyze the growth of Al Jazeera, the Arabic TV network that changed the reality of media in Middle East and in a couple of years became one of the world most watched station. The TV network was founded in 1996 in Doha, Qatar, during a great changing time in the country. Until last year, a conservative government restricted the progress, but a coup brought to power the current Emir, who began promoting liberal reforms resulting in significant changes to the country. The creation of Al Jazeera was part of a modernization plan. In 2001, the Arabic channel gained notoriety when broadcasted videos of Osama Bin Laden. Since then, the world turned its eyes to what was being produced there. In 2006, the station launched a channel in English, in order to show the news from an Arab perspective. The research was based on specialized literature review and theoretical works which complement with on ground observations and interviews given by Al Jazeeras staff in Doha. In this thesis, we analyze the context of the emergence of Al Jazerra, covering wars and some social transformations, the emergence of other media and creating the channel in English, in order to understand the process of consolidation and expansion of this network.

Cette thèse étudie la généalogie des représentations culturelles britanniques du Moyen-Orient des années 1850 au début de la Première Guerre mondiale. Nos sources comprendront des tirages photographiques, des récits de voyages et d’exploration, des cartes, des documents topographiques, des archives privées, des articles de presse, des débats parlementaires, des essais, des romans et des documents officiels. À grande échelle, une perspective globale nous permettra d’étudier la construction cartographique de cette partie de l’Orient qui fut baptisée « Moyen-Orient ». Nous démontrerons comment les acteurs de la politique extérieure britannique élaborèrent cette région. À petite échelle, une micro-histoire nous amènera à hauteur d’homme auprès de figures de l’action britannique dans ces territoires de l’Orient, entre Inde et Afrique. Par une étude approfondie de leurs représentations, nous démontrerons que le regard britannique sur cette partie du monde fut pluriel et qu’il évolua considérablement sur quelques décennies. Nous chercherons à établir cette chronologie. Nous relierons aussi les constructions de l’Orient aux idéaux de la société britannique contemporaine, notamment à travers la photographie de ces territoires et leur exploration archéologique. Il nous faudra par ailleurs questionner le rôle des prémisses de la culture de masse dans le dessin des contours de ce territoire éloigné. Le problème de la nature impériale des rapports entre la Grande-Bretagne et le Moyen-Orient en cours d’élaboration nous amènera à souligner le caractère polycentrique et contradictoire des expressions de l’influence britannique sur la région. / This dissertation explores the genealogy of the cultural representations of the Middle-East from the 1850’s to the beginning of the First World War. To this end, I will analyze a wide range of documents. My primary sources will include photographic prints, travelogues, maps, topographical documents, private papers, press articles, parliamentary debates, essays, novels and official papers. On a large scale, an overall perspective will enable me to study the cartographic manufacture of the part of the Orient that was christened « Middle East ». I will assess to what extent the actors of British foreign policy gradually drew this region. On a much smaller scale, a micro-history will bring me at man's height, close to figures of British involvement in these territories, in-between India and Africa. By way of careful study of their representations, I will demonstrate that the British gaze on this part of the world was far from being hieratic and that it evolved within the span of a few decades. I will look to specify this chronology. I will also establish links between these constructions of the East and the ideals of contemporary British society, especially through the study of photographic representation of these territories, as well as the analysis of their archaeological exploration. I will have to question the part played by early mass culture in designing this distant territory. The issue raised by the potential imperial nature of British involvement in this Middle-East to be will call for an appraisal of the polycentric and contradicting expressions of British influence in the region.

Le 12 mai 1965 sont établies les relations entre la République fédérale et l’Etat d’Israël. Aujourd’hui le débat sur la nature des relations met en lumière une certaine réalité : les relations sont différentes des autres liens que l’Allemagne entretient avec d’autres Etats.Agir pour la sécurité et le droit à l’existence de l’Etat israélien est l’engagement constant de la République fédérale ce qui la place dans une position délicate d’équilibre entre la responsabilité morale historique qui la contraint à s’impliquer d’une part et une normalité qui l’obligerait à se distancer.La question du Proche-Orient est la pierre d’achoppement entre les deux Etats ce qui l’oblige également à trouver un équilibre entre les attentes contradictoires de l’Etat israélien et des Etats arabes.Dans ces conditions comment la République fédérale adapte-t-elle sa politique extérieure ? / On 12 May 1965 the diplomatic ties between Israel and Germany were established. Actually the debate on the nature of the bilateral ties highlights a certain reality : the relation between the two states are different from the others.The steady commitment of Germany to act for the security and the right of Israel to exist contrains Germany to find a balance between its moral, historical responsability and normality which obliges Germany to take a distance from past.The question of Middle East is a stumbling block which leads Germany to find a balance between the contradictory expectations of the State of Israel and the Arabian states.Under these circumstances how does Germany adapt its foreign policy ?

Vers fin de 2002 et début 2003, la Turquie a adopté une diplomatie active au Moyen-Orient dans un cadre de désordre et de déséquilibre de force entre les différentes puissances. Notre point de départ est l'arrivée d'une nouvelle élite en tant qu'événement instigateur et accélérateur de la reconstruction du rôle de puissance régionale. L'analyse de la politique arabe de la Turquie a recours aux notions du «rôle national» et de «puissance régionale» comme un binôme complémentaire visant à déterminer les préceptes fondateurs de la politique régionale turque en termes de source de projection, de dynamiques d'action et d'intérêt national. A partir de ce cadre théorique et de notre enquête de terrain, nous présentons une analyse critique de la littérature et une reconsidération des fondements épistémologiques et ontologique du processus de conceptualisation en Relations Internationales, notamment du terme de « puissance régionale ». L'apport de cette thèse au niveau méthodologique, en termes de définition d'un cadre conceptuel approprié à la théorisation et aux spécificités des études de cas traités, permet de reformuler la politique arabe en tant que dynamique de renaissance d'une nouvelle Turquie. En affirmant un rôle de puissance régionale, l'AKP dispose d'un répertoire d'action plus affirmé et autonome qui concilie les exigences du rôle régional avec ses alliés occidentaux et voisins d'une part ainsi que ses intérêts nationaux d'autre part. La politique arabe présente un microcosme de la politique étrangère turque et détermine comment la Turquie a émergé en tant que puissance régionale au niveau global, à partir de l'embryon militaro-séculier / By the end of 2002 and the beginning of 2003, Turkey adopted an active diplomacy in the Middle East in a context of instability and persistent rivalry between different powers. This study considers the arrival of a new political “conservative” elite as an instigator and accelerator event in the reconstruction of the Turkish role as a regional power. The analysis of the Arab policy of Turkey is based on a conceptual framework that relies on two complementary notions, the “national role” and the “regional power.” Both determine the founding precepts of the Turkish regional policy in terms of source of projection, dynamics of action and national interest. In light of this theoretical framework and the field work undertaken on the Arab policy, this study adopts a critical analysis of the literature. By reconsidering the conceptualization process in the International Relations discipline, the thesis focuses on the term of “regional power role” in order to conceal the epistemological and ontological deficiencies in different theoretical concepts that aim to understand world politics like “regional power.” Accordingly, this study provides a different method in theorizing by formulating a conceptual framework that is more adapted to global politics' reality in terms of considering the specificities of the different cases and the various configurations of regional powers. By relying on the “regional power role”, the Arab policy analysis reveals the emergence of a new Turkey. A more assertive and autonomous diplomacy is adopted by the AKP that conciles the exigencies of this role with its Western allies and neighbours from one side and its national interests from the other side

Thesis (M.A.)--Boston University / This study is a part of an environmental impact assessment of the Gulf War on the desert and the coastal zones of Kuwait. Due to the appearance of many new surface features, a study was necessary to characterize their spectral signatures as detected by Landsat Thematic Mapper (TM) data. A sophisticated image analysis was applied to the Landsat TM scene. An unsupervised classification technique produced a thematic map of the area. Data was collected on the ground at eighty sites in southeastern Kuwait. A radiometer (SE-590) was used to identify the spectral reflectance of desert surface features. A Global Positioning System (GPS) reading on each site was also recorded to register accurately the field observations on a specific pixel from over 72 million pixels in the lower right scene of Kuwait. Field data were collected on surface feature color, soil grain stze, vegetation types and density, and the amount of oil or soot contamination. Statistical correlation's and companson of Landsat and the SE-590 measurements in the visible and near-infrared bands describe the interaction between radiation and different desert surfaces. The oil lakes class was identified to have the lowest reflectance of all the classes. Brightness values gradually increase as less oil, soot or desert vegetation is found. The highest brightness value belongs to the class which represents active sand.

This Critical Discourse Analysis examined the classroom discourse of six secondary social studies teachers during lessons dedicated to the study of Africa and the Middle East. The study focused on the phenomenon of otherness and the ways in which teachers contribute to or challenge the depiction of various African and Middle Eastern populations as the other. The study found that no normative discourse existed within or across classrooms whereby teachers consistently portrayed African or Middle Eastern populations as the other. Teacher employed multiple contending discourses that both promoted perceptions of otherness while also explicitly challenging and deconstructing such notions. The study found that teachers tend to frame the study of Africa and the Middle East around narratives of conflict. These narratives restrict the classifications available for understanding certain communities and reinforce associations of violence, radicalism, and terrorism with Africa and the Middle East.

Service quality is an integral part of the product/service offering provided to a customer. Along with continuously identifying customer expectations and perceptions about service quality, it is imperative for service providers to also investigate whether the service quality increases customer satisfaction and their behavioural intentions. This PhD study theoretically contributes by evaluating one comprehensive service quality model, SERVQUAL designed by Parasuraman et al. (1988), for its potential applicability. The study further contributes by identifying a gap in the literature that the original SERVQUAL model does not entirely represent LCC service quality therefore, LCCSQUAL is proposed: a revised conceptual model with twenty-five variables that reflect the industry-specific attributes of LCC services in the Middle East. LCCs became a common feature in the West after the appearance of Southwest airline in 1971, however in the Middle East; LCCs are a relatively new phenomenon. LCCs are growing rapidly due to the current development of the aviation industry, deregulation and open skies policies in many parts of the Middle East. Most research to date has focused on LCCs in Western or Asian culture, whereas limited research has been conducted in the Middle East region, hence, this study will focus on highlighting the historical development of the Middle East’s aviation industry and the phenomenal growth of the region’s LCCs. This research is first of its kind in the Middle East to be conducted on the LCC service quality as well as in a new cultural background and therefore, it is important to consider that passengers’ are influenced by their culture while making decisions, however; the original SERVQUAL model developed by Parasuraman et al. in (1985) does not include culture as one of the influences in consumer. This PhD study, therefore, bridges another gap in the knowledge by testing the LCCSQUAL in Middle Eastern culture. This PhD followed a multi methodology using both inductive and deductive approaches consisting of qualitative (interviews and a focus group discussion) and quantitative (a self-administered survey questionnaire) methods at Dubai International airport, which has a dedicated LCC terminal. A total of 540 questionnaires was distributed; however, only 516 were finally employed for quantitative analysis. For qualitative analysis, nine in-depth interviews with senior executives of LCC airlines and seven LCC passenger interviews was conducted along with one focus group interview with seven Emirati ladies, first time LCC travellers. Content analysis and NVivo 10 were utilised for qualitative findings and descriptive analysis, Spearman’s rank correlation, factor analysis and cross tabulation were employed to examine the quantitative results. Comparing the results of both methodologies indicated that, passengers experienced wider gaps in the tangibility, reliability and responsiveness dimensions of LCC service quality in the Middle East. The findings of the study concluded that LCC passengers have higher expectations of the LCC services due to receiving luxury services for a long time in the Middle East region. The revised model; LCCSQUAL was tested in the Middle Eastern culture with additional variables and is recommended to be further developed to be culture and country specific. Factor analysis results also highlighted that there are gaps between the expectations and perceptions of the passengers travelling with LCC. This study concludes with several recommendations to LCC management, such as, on-time performance, well-trained staff and crew members, providing clear information to the passengers and providing quality services with low fares.