One of the most influential authors of the past decade who has tried to assess a theoretical model of defense of 'cultural rights' from a liberal prospective is Will Kymlicka. Kymlicka appears even to believe that his model of multiculturalism represents the only systematic account of minority rights that is yet available within liberal theory. He assumes that other liberal thinkers---e.g. Raz, Taylor, Habermas---'have sketched some concepts or principles which they think should govern liberal approaches to ethnocultural demands' but their views constitute, at the end of the day, 'more outlines than systematic theories' (Kymlicka 1997: 86, n. 1). This essay stems from my critical reading of Kymlicka's theory. / It is not my intention here to provide an alternative model of dealing with 'cultural differences'. My aims are much more modest. First, I want to provide a critical assessment of Kymlicka's theory by pointing out some of its conceptual ambiguities. Second, I want to discuss the case of Switzerland by defending the thesis that it does not constitute a multinational state. (Abstract shortened by UMI.)

The professional study of idiocy began within the discipline of medico-psychology and was taken up, later, by professionals in the fields of education, social work, and philanthropy. When medical research seemed to confirm the hereditary origin of mental ability, and as studies began to assert that a great deal of social problems were due to 'weakness of mind', men and women from these professions concerned themselves with the prevention of idiocy, primarily by segregation. As social commentators in late-Victorian England became increasingly concerned about the nation's apparent decline in economic and military competitiveness, these professionals and commentators began to stridently campaign for the detention of idiots in permanent colonies. This process continued during the Edwardian period when many professionals slowly gravitated to the eugenic-led campaign for control of the feeble-minded, a campaign which culminated in the Mental Deficiency Act of 1913.

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In 1995 the Government of Ontario introduced reforms that significantly changed the way welfare was delivered in the province. Welfare rates were cut and benefits became conditional on recipients participating in a workfare programme called Ontario Works. These reforms ignore women's responsibility for child care. Single mothers and their children will be the group most affected by these changes. Single mothers are interviewed about how these changes have affected them, with particular attention to their experiences with the Ontario Works programme and its impact on their ability to care for their children.

This thesis analyses the changing role of central government strategy units in the devolved UK polity using a lifecycle model. At each stage of the lifecycle the units develop a different aim, undertake different tasks and follow different working approaches. At different stages agency, in the person of the Prime/First Minister, existing structures, or culture and attitudes, particularly around the concept of a corporate centre, form the main influence on change. Following through the lifecycle, it becomes apparent that such central strategic units have a defined life trajectory tending towards their demise through bureaucratic capture or ideological marginalisation. Divergence or convergence between the units is primarily based on leadership style rather than pre-existing structures or constitutional arrangements. Adopting a lifecycle approach, more commonly associated with the business world, provides an alternative conceptual approach to examining the maintenance of governmental organisations. It is a logical progression from the borrowing of business ideas on management and organisation generally categorised as New Public Management. It provides a more appropriate framework of analysis in a situation whereby government is less dependent on traditional polarised ideological positions and instead adopts a strategic, managerial approach to government. As governmental organisations copy the modes of operation of large corporations, the tools of the business world add additional insights into formation, development, change and decline in such organisations not clearly revealed by more commonly adopted political science models.

In Canada, the growth and intensity of neo-liberal governance and philosophy, which includes idealizing a self-sufficient and independent citizenry continues to inform public policies at the federal and provincial levels. These policies, in turn, have implications for individuals’ health and well-being. Health implications are further visible and intensified along gender, class and ethnic lines. In this study, in-depth qualitative interviews were conducted with eight low income single mothers who had been affected by employment and assistance policies and regulations in British Columbia. The findings revealed the ways in which these women were affected by neo-liberal policy initiatives that held them individually accountable and responsible for managing their life circumstances in order to achieve the expectations bestowed upon them as citizens. It also revealed the inequalities that existed at the intersection of gender, class and ethnicity. The findings point to the need to address the policy barriers that confront lone mothers. / Graduate / 2015-02-12 / 0630 / 0628 / amyh@uvic.ca

The thesis aims to build on what is known about large and internationalized welfare firms, and to make a contribution to the debate about social policy and globalization, through an empirical and exploratory study of large and internationalized firms within the UK market in long term care for older people. The thesis utilizes two levels of analysis: a micro level analysis based on case studies of the three largest private providers of long term care in the UK; and a meso level analysis of the relationships between these firms and three other actors: the state and its agencies, staff and unions, and older people themselves. The findings of the thesis contradict deterministic claims concerning the loss of power by the state. The state is found to be the most powerful actor in the sector in ten-ns of its ability to regulate the sector and influence its overall structure. In contrast, the relative weakness of unions and older people's organizations leads them to attempt to exert influence on private providers through the medium of the state. State policies, however, are likely to facilitate greater concentration and internationalization within the sector, an outcome which is in the long term interests of those firms which are already large and internationalized. The parallel processes of concentration and internationalization in the sector have significant implications for the delivery of care.

In Canada, the growth and intensity of neo-liberal governance and philosophy, which includes idealizing a self-sufficient and independent citizenry continues to inform public policies at the federal and provincial levels. These policies, in turn, have implications for individuals’ health and well-being. Health implications are further visible and intensified along gender, class and ethnic lines. In this study, in-depth qualitative interviews were conducted with eight low income single mothers who had been affected by employment and assistance policies and regulations in British Columbia. The findings revealed the ways in which these women were affected by neo-liberal policy initiatives that held them individually accountable and responsible for managing their life circumstances in order to achieve the expectations bestowed upon them as citizens. It also revealed the inequalities that existed at the intersection of gender, class and ethnicity. The findings point to the need to address the policy barriers that confront lone mothers. / Graduate / 0630 / 0628 / amyh@uvic.ca

This thesis examines some social policies and public health measures in the small county of Bedford, within the national context, 1904-38. No other such study exists which covers these aspects; it will, therefore, fill a gap in the body of knowledge. At this time, national and imperial needs for a healthy British race were paramount in the minds of politicians and social reformers, particularly in the face of competition for industrial and military supremacy from other powers, including Germany and the United States of America. Certain key themes permeated this era: the changing functions of local and central government, the role of the state and voluntary sectors, and a medical profession divided between those employed in preventive medicine, and those in private practice. However, war, the preparation for war and its after effects have been found to be the most significant factors. George Newman (1870-1948), figures large, because he played a major part in public health initiatives, firstly, as part-time County Medical Officer of Health to Bedfordshire County Council (1900-07), and then at central government level, as Chief Medical Officer of the Board of Education (1907-35), and of the Ministry of Health (1919-35). Two methodological tools were used in this thesis. Historical research was carried out using, mainly, primary source material, and an empirical study was undertaken using a descriptive case study approach. These methods enabled the collection of quantitative and qualitative data and helped to determine both the final content, and the form in which the research was presented. Chapter 1, the Introduction, provides a background to the key figures and themes discussed and describes the intra-county differences in Bedfordshire. Chapter 2 concerns infant mortality, as it is an indicator of the health ofthe whole community. Chapter 3 describes the health of school children, because the Government was particularly anxious about their condition, as they would be needed for industrial and imperial expansion, and in the event of war. Chapter 4 concerns the welfare of children. It provides examples of how the state and voluntary sectors strove to preserve child life, despite problems such as orphanhood and cruelty, and yet still attempted to meet the needs of the British Empire for labour. Chapter 5 discusses women's health, as it was relatively neglected by central government in this period. It takes the form of a case study and makes use of oral testimony from a cohort of 84 women who lived in Bedfordshire in the inter-war years. Chapter 6, the conclusion, examines the effect of war, the role played by the voluntary and state sectors, and the divided medical profession. It also considers the extent to which Bedfordshire led, or lagged behind national social policies and public health measures, and the progress made towards a healthier nation until 1938, the last full year of peace in Europe before the outbreak of World War II.

No description available.