This thesis challenges one of the fundamental assumptions about Rome's political upheaval in the third century CE. This period is conventionally defined by the growing political influence of the army at the expense of the Senate, after the Severan emperors made it clear that their hold on power rested on military support. The soldiers would grow bolder in asserting their position, eventually coming to overthrow emperors at will. I present a broad reassessment of the evidence for a historical model which derives from the narratives of two contemporary witnesses, Cassius Dio and Herodian. Dio is the subject of my first discussion. I address two problems. Firstly, Dio's contemporary history survives only through Byzantine epitomes and excerpts. Its irreparable alteration means that Dio's later books cannot be treated in their own terms, but have to be contextualised against the wider thematic framework of his thousand-year account. Secondly, I turn to Dio himself. Within that framework, Dio presents himself as the ideal senatorial historian. In doing so, he is able to define a uniform senatorial experience, which excludes everything else as deriving from military corruption. An analysis of Herodian follows, also in two parts. The first analyses Herodian's construction of Roman society into three constituent parts, Senate, army and people. I show how these simplistically homogenous social units allow Herodian to explore imperial character, even as they cause inconsistencies in his political narrative. I then address Herodian's account of Maximinus Thrax. This narrative has been presented as the historical culmination of the army taking over politically. I argue instead that it represents the climax of Herodian's rhetorical scheme. Overall, the model of political conflict is built on two contemporary accounts which have specific reasons to simplify matters in their presentation of political activity. In order to understand the nature of political change in this period, I argue that it is necessary to move beyond them.

It is a long-established view that Roman coins were used as a means to convey messages. The obverse (“heads”) of Roman imperial coins always bore the image of the emperor, but the reverse (“tails”) was not standardized as modern coinage is today. Coin reverses commonly had the image of a deity, usually an abstract concept such as “Health”, “Courage”, but they might also advertise the completion of a major new construction project (the Colosseum, a new aqueduct), or desired behaviour, such as “fertility” (ie, have more children) or “loyalty of the army”. Coins were used by many Romans, but especially to pay the army, and for that reason coin reverses are a useful way to trace propaganda during civil and foreign conflicts. The 3rd century AD was a challenging period for the Romans, with almost continuous warfare and over 50 emperors and pretenders between 235 and 285. The frequent appearance of the god Sol (the Sun) on coin reverses in this period is a marked departure from the standard range of religious motifs and attests a major shift away from Jupiter. This thesis will investigate coins as an index of change by exploring where and how frequently the image of Sol was used on coins in the half-century prior to the establishment of a lavish temple to Sol in Rome around AD 273-275.

No description available.

The thesis has been written as part of the AHRC collaborative research project Greek Epic of the Roman Empire: A Cultural History. This project seeks to give the first cultural-historical analysis of the large, underexploited corpus of Greek epic poetry composed in the transformative period between the 1st and the 6th centuries C.E. The thesis focuses on questions of literary identity in one of the most challenging texts from this corpus, the Posthomerica by Quintus of Smyrna (c. 3rd century C.E.). My central contention is that Quintus’ mimicry of Homer represents a radically new formative poetics, suggesting a cultural movement towards mimesis, necromancy and close encounters with the past. After a detailed study of what I term the reanimating culture of imperial Greece (chapter 1), and a comprehensive reanalysis of the compositional techniques of the text (chapter 2), I identify a number of tropes of poetic identity from different ancient literary modes: programmatic proems (chapter 3), memory (4), filiation (5) and temporality (6). I show how Quintus co-opts these themes for his new poetics, to turn the symbolic toolkit of contrast imitation into a defence of writing inter-Homeric epic. This analysis insists on rethinking the nature of the relationship between the poetry of this era and that of previous aesthetic traditions: particularly, I argue against a view of the Posthomerica as Alexandrian, and see it instead pushing back against the Callimachus school of small, new poetry. Ultimately, the thesis aims to show how the Posthomerica could be pivotal for unpinning current critical assumptions about imperial Greek poetry; revealing a palpable shift in tone in the construct of the literary self.

Au cours du IIIe siècle, l’Empire romain est confronté aux attaques militaires de ses voisins aux niveaux de sa frontière orientale et occidentale. Ces attaques parfois simultanées engendrent une instabilité du pouvoir impérial, caractérisée par la multiplication de coups d’État. L’objectif de cette étude était d’analyser ce phénomène politique de 235 à 284. Les questions essentielles de l’analyse étaient : Qu’est-ce qu’un coup d’État dans le contexte politique de l’Empire romain ? Comment se présente le coup d’État au cours de la période concernée et quels sont ses conséquences dans l’Empire. Ainsi, nous avons démontré à travers une analyse théorique que le phénomène de coup d’État n’est pas spécifique au IIIe siècle de l’Empire mais qu’il est consubstantiel au régime impérial. Après, cette démonstration, nous avons analysé chaque coup d’État et mis en relief leur augmentation avec l’intensification des attaques des ennemis de l’Empire. Pour chaque coup d’État était présenté, le contexte de sa proclamation, son déroulement et l’analyse politique qu’on pouvait en faire. Au terme de toute cette analyse, nous avons présenté les conséquences de ce phénomène politique tant sur la structure politique et militaire mais aussi sur la vie économique, sociale et administrative de l’Empire. / During the third century, the Roman Empire is faced with military attacks from its neighbors at its eastern and western borders. These simultaneous attacks generate instability for the imperial power, characterized by the increase of political coups. The objective of this study was to analyze this political phenomenon from 235 to 284. Critical analysis questions were: What is a coup in the political context of the Roman Empire? What is the process of a coup during the relevant period and what are its consequences for the Empire? We have shown through a theoretical analysis that the phenomenon of coups is not specific to the third century of the Empire, but it is consubstantial to the roman imperial regime. After this, we have analyzed each coup and highlighted the increase of their occurrence with the intensification of attacks by Rome’s enemies. For each coup analyzed, the context of its proclamation, its development and the political analysis was given. We have presented the consequences of this political phenomenon on both political and military structure and also on the economic and administrative life of the Empire.

The Mishnah and Tosefta are two related works of legal discourse produced by Jewish sages in Late Roman Palestine. In these works, sages also appear as primary shapers of Jewish law. They are portrayed not only as individuals but also as “the SAGES,” a literary construct that is fleshed out in the context of numerous face-to-face legal disputes with individual sages. Although the historical accuracy of this portrait cannot be verified, it reveals the perceptions or wishes of the Mishnah’s and Tosefta’s redactors about the functioning of authority in the circles. An initial analysis of fourteen parallel Mishnah/Tosefta passages reveals that the authority of the Mishnah’s SAGES is unquestioned while the Tosefta’s SAGES are willing at times to engage in rational argumentation. In one passage, the Tosefta’s SAGES are shown to have ruled hastily and incorrectly on certain legal issues. A broader survey reveals that the Mishnah also contains a modest number of disputes in which the apparently sui generis authority of the SAGES is compromised by their participation in rational argumentation or by literary devices that reveal an occasional weakness of judgment. Since the SAGES are occasionally in error, they are not portrayed in entirely ideal terms. The Tosefta’s literary construct of the SAGES differs in one important respect from the Mishnah’s. In twenty-one passages, the Tosefta describes a later sage reviewing early disputes. Ten of these reviews involve the SAGES. In each of these, the later sage subjects the dispute to further analysis that accords the SAGES’ opinion no more a priori weight than the opinion of individual sages. They result in a narrowing of the scope of the SAGES’ opinion and a broadening of the scope of an individual sage’s opinion. By applying rational criteria, these reviews have the effect of undermining the SAGES authority. However, the full body of twenty-one Toseftan reviews is apparently motivated by an increased emphasis on rational analysis rather than an agenda to undermine that authority. This approach prefigures the later, more comprehensive use of rational analysis to evaluate the whole of tradition that is found in the Babylonian Talmud. / Old Testament & Ancient Near Eastern Studies / D. Litt. et Phil. (Judaica)

Cette thèse a pour objet de mener une réflexion sur les différentes fonctions entre la frontière de Germanie supérieure et celle de Germanie, en insistant plus particulièrement sur sa dimension militaire et sa place dans la stratégie de défense de l’Empire. L’étude de ce limes est particulièrement intéressante des Sévères à Dioclétien, car c’est une période où il connaît de nombreuses transformations et adaptations jusqu’à son abandon et le retour sur la 'ripa ' du Rhin. Après avoir défini le limes et ses fonctions, nous verrons que les échanges y sont limités entre le monde romain et germanique et qu’il est efficace pour lutter contre les raids de faible intensité. Son abandon s’explique à la fois par les guerres civiles et par les mutations dans le monde germanique. Après l’unité retrouvée de l’Empire, les empereurs créent une nouvelle ligne de défense sur le Rhin qui est complétée par la création d’un Etat-tampon, l’Alamannia. / This thesis aims to reflect on the different functions between the upper border of Germany and that of Germany, with particular emphasis on its military dimension and its place in the Empire defense strategy. The study of the limes is particularly interesting from the Severi to Diocletian, because this is a period when it has many changes and adjustments to its abandonment and the return on the 'ripa' the Rhine. After defining the limes and its function, we will see that trading is limited between the Roman and Germanic world and that effective against low-intensity raids. Its abandonment is explained both by civil wars and by changes in the Germanic world. After the rediscovered unity of the Empire, the emperors created a new line of defense on the Rhine which is complemented by the creation of a buffer state, the Alamannia.

L’œuvre de Banārasīdās (1586-1643), marchand et poète jaina actif dans la région d’Agra, s’appuie sur la pensée du maître digambara Kundakunda (c. IIIe s. de notre ère) pour chanter la véritable nature du soi, intrinsèquement pur, réalité suprême d’un point de vue absolu (niścaya-naya). La condition laïque de Banārasīdās l’oblige pourtant à envisager aussi la religion d’un point de vue conventionnel (vyavahāra-naya), aidé en cela par des échelles de progression spirituelle ménagées par la doctrine jaina et décrites notamment par Nemicandra (Xe siècle). Il est intéressant de suivre en diachronie l’articulation entre les deux points de vue, depuis le Samayasāra, ouvrage fondateur de Kundakunda, jusqu’à Śrīmad Rājacandra, un saint personnage de la fin du XIXe siècle, en s’attardant particulièrement sur les membres du mouvement Adhyātma dont Banārasīdās a été l’un des plus brillants promoteurs. / The works of Banārasīdās (1586-1643), a Jain merchant and poet active in the region of Agra, is largely based on the thought of the Digambara philosopher Kundakunda (c. third century). The latter invited to search for the true nature of the self seen as the only reality from an absolute point of view (niścaya-naya). The layman condition of Banārasīdās obliged him to consider also his own religion from a conventional point of view (vyavahāra-naya). He was helped by his discovery of the spiritual scales prepared by the Jain doctrine and described in detail by Nemicandra (tenth century). It is rewarding to look at the articulation between the two points of view in a historical perspective, from the Samayasāra, the major work of Kundakunda, up to Śrīmad Rājacandra, a holy layman of the late nineteenth century, with a particular focus on the members of the Adhyātma movement whose Banārasīdās was one of the most successful instigators.

No description available.

The Mishnah and Tosefta are two related works of legal discourse produced by Jewish sages in Late Roman Palestine. In these works, sages also appear as primary shapers of Jewish law. They are portrayed not only as individuals but also as “the SAGES,” a literary construct that is fleshed out in the context of numerous face-to-face legal disputes with individual sages. Although the historical accuracy of this portrait cannot be verified, it reveals the perceptions or wishes of the Mishnah’s and Tosefta’s redactors about the functioning of authority in the circles. An initial analysis of fourteen parallel Mishnah/Tosefta passages reveals that the authority of the Mishnah’s SAGES is unquestioned while the Tosefta’s SAGES are willing at times to engage in rational argumentation. In one passage, the Tosefta’s SAGES are shown to have ruled hastily and incorrectly on certain legal issues. A broader survey reveals that the Mishnah also contains a modest number of disputes in which the apparently sui generis authority of the SAGES is compromised by their participation in rational argumentation or by literary devices that reveal an occasional weakness of judgment. Since the SAGES are occasionally in error, they are not portrayed in entirely ideal terms. The Tosefta’s literary construct of the SAGES differs in one important respect from the Mishnah’s. In twenty-one passages, the Tosefta describes a later sage reviewing early disputes. Ten of these reviews involve the SAGES. In each of these, the later sage subjects the dispute to further analysis that accords the SAGES’ opinion no more a priori weight than the opinion of individual sages. They result in a narrowing of the scope of the SAGES’ opinion and a broadening of the scope of an individual sage’s opinion. By applying rational criteria, these reviews have the effect of undermining the SAGES authority. However, the full body of twenty-one Toseftan reviews is apparently motivated by an increased emphasis on rational analysis rather than an agenda to undermine that authority. This approach prefigures the later, more comprehensive use of rational analysis to evaluate the whole of tradition that is found in the Babylonian Talmud. / Biblical and Ancient Studies / D. Litt. et Phil. (Judaica)