Medier är idag en del av vårt samhälle och barn kommer i kontakt med detta genom bland annat barnprogram vilket gör att förskollärare behöver ha en kunskap av vad barn tittar på och hur detta tolkas utifrån barns perspektiv och ett barnperspektiv. Syftet med denna studie är att få en förståelse för hur barn och vårdnadshavare tolkar de värden som lyfts fram i Daniel Tigers kvarter, som syftar till att fostra barn. Vi har gjort en kvalitativ studie med intervjuer. För att samla in vår empiri valde vi att genomföra gruppintervjuer, med barn och vårdnadshavare var för sig. Totalt deltog fem vårdnadshavare och sex barn. Vi valde att tolka vårt resultat utifrån ett barndomssociologiskt perspektiv. I vår analys kunde vi bland annat se utifrån vårdnadshavarnas resonemang att programmet framstår som väldigt svart och vitt då det tar upp rätt och fel. I intervjuerna med barnen lyfte barnen programmets syfte och kunde relatera det till verkligheten och liknande saker de gjort eller varit med om. Innehållet i programmet uppfattas som lärande, där vårdnadshavarna ger uttryck för en problematisk relation till att programmet ska framstå som en pedagogisk barnvakt samtidigt som de tycker programmet är bra och inte är något som de skulle förbjuda för barnen. Vidare så fann vi att sångerna var av betydelse för både barnen och vårdnadshavarna och att sångerna fungerar som en länk mellan dem, där vårdnadshavarna använder sångerna för att nå fram till barnen i vissa situationer.

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The Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) were branded as the most dangerous and deadly extremists in the world by the United States Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) in January of 2008. The Tamil Tigers are held responsible for perfecting the use of suicide bombers, inventing the suicide belt, being the first to use women in suicide attacks, and killing nearly 4,000 people in the one year prior to 2008. The LTTE is the only terrorist organization to have assassinated two world leaders, Indian Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi, and Sri Lankan President Ranasinghe Premadasa. They were also the first to acquire air power and their strike on Sri Lanka’s World Trade Center was the largest terrorist assault before the September 11 attacks in 2001. It took the government of Sri Lanka over thirty years to rid the country of this powerful terrorist group. This paper will investigate what caused the fall of the Tamil Tigers. In my second chapter, I will evaluate the policies and military strategies adopted by the government. My third chapter will look at the role of international actors in the conflict and their effects. Lastly, in my fourth chapter, I will examine key mistakes made by the LTTE that may have led to its own demise. In chapter five, I will analyze three possible causes for the defeat of the LTTE and what was the most significant in bringing its fall. It will also include its potential for replication in other countries and effects on foreign policy moving forward.

This dissertation analyses the industrial transformation of Turkey by focusing on the history of Kayseri&rsquo / s small town Hacilar which has been showed an extraordinary performance in industry and economic development in the last 40 years. However, it is not a general history of industrialization / but a local development story from a traditional rural/ village community to an industrial production zone in relation with the local, national and universal dynamics. In line with the historical materialist conceptual and epistemological frame and against the &ldquo / Calvinist Islam&rdquo / kind theological arguments, this study explains the historical, regional, geographical, economic, social, and cultural reasons and factors of the industrial development of Hacilar in the context of the general industrial history of Turkey.

This thesis attempts to present a critical survey on studies on Anatolian capital focusing on their state and market conceptualizations. The studies have been grouped into three due to their theoretical frameworks as the studies employing New Regionalist, state tradition and state rescaling approaches. The thesis proposes New Regionalist and state tradition approaches to Anatolian capital are both ahistorical and aspatial approaches / these approaches develop in parallel with political developments and propose a glossed over portrait of Anatolian Tigers. Anatolian Tigers are generally presented as representatives of free market as they develop with little or no support of the state unlike the former generation of businessmen. Hence they stand for the legitimization of neo-liberal policies. The concepts of entrepreneurship, cooperation and competition are described as the nature and the merits of Anatolian small and medium scaled enterprises which make them compatible with the free market conditions. The last group of literature, state rescaling, is presented as the alternative to the first two with its historical and spatial analysis. The thesis will propose the relational analyses within the state rescaling framework is helpful to reveal uneven development which is veiled by ahistorical and aspatial approaches by including relations of state, capital and labour instead of defining the experience of Anatolian capital as a challenge to the state.

Empirical measurements of the use of space of an enclosure are important indicators of the enclosure’s appropriateness for the exhibited animal. By studying the animal’s use of space zoological parks are able to provide a more species-adequate environment. In this study the utilization of space by the Siberian tigers held at Kolmården Djurpark was analyzed. Data were collected using the scan sample method for a total of 120 observation hours during 15 days. The tigers showed a marked difference in the utilization of different parts of the enclosure with the number of observations ranging from 1252 for the most popular zone to only 172 for the least popular one. The tigers showed a consistent preference for two of the 15 zones across all days of observation. Further analyses showed that these zones were preferred both during mornings and afternoons as well as during feeding days and non-feeding days. This study demonstrates that the tigers might display a preference for certain environmental features as a result of their behavioral needs that are no different from tigers in the wild.

In this dissertation I investigate the historical, institutional, and cultural roots of different regional development trajectories in modern Turkey. Historical comparison of two similar cities of 1920's, namely Kutahya and Kayseri, enabled me to solve the Anatolian Tigers Puzzle, which can be defined as how come very similar cities of rural Anatolia in 1920's experienced such different development patterns in the last 80 years. The most similar case design led to the model, which explains the different regional development patterns of Anatolian cities. In this model, I argue that behind the success story of Kayseri, there is a path dependent virtuous cycle, which was initiated by early state enterprises; accelerated via local institutional reforms during critical junctures; and sustained by socio-cultural context. This theoretical model explains not only the difference between Kutahya and Kayseri, but it is also in line with the success story of other developed Anatolian cities. / Sociology

Thesis (M.S.)--Naval Postgraduate School, 2002. / "AD-A405 818." Includes bibliographical references (p. 153-157). Also available online.

Aim of this thesis is to empirically verify the validity of Rostows Stages of economic growth model and Solow-Swan model of economic growth realized by using statistical data South Asian countries reported. Theoretical part is devoted to characteristics of the growth models, explaining the assumptions theories work with and defining their origins and possible limitations. Practical part is focused on the analysis of statistical outputs newly industrialized Asian countries (Asian Tigers). The choice of selected data for analysis is justified. The data are further evaluated against expectations out of the Rostows and Solows theory of economic growth. The appropriateness of the growth models with regard to the territories is also evaluated.

No / Throughout much of the 25-year Sri Lankan conflict, attention has focused on the confrontation between the majority Sinhalese and the minority Tamils. The views of the country¿s Muslims, who are 8 per cent of the population and see themselves as a separate ethnic group, have largely been ignored. Understanding their role in the conflict and addressing their political aspirations are vital if there is to be a lasting peace settlement. Muslims need to be part of any renewed peace process but with both the government and LTTE intent on continuing the conflict, more immediate steps should be taken to ensure their security and political involvement. These include control of the Karuna faction, more responsive local and national government, improved human rights mechanisms and a serious political strategy that recognises minority concerns in the east. At least one third of Muslims live in the conflict-affected north and east and thus have a significant interest in the outcome of the war. They have often suffered serious hardship, particularly at the hands of the Tamil rebel group, the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE). Since 1990 Muslims have been the victims of ethnic cleansing, massacres and forced displacement by the insurgents. The 2002 ceasefire agreement (CFA) was a disappointment to many Muslims. They had no independent representation at the peace talks, and many feared that any agreement that gave the LTTE exclusive control of the north and east, even in a federal arrangement, would be seriously detrimental to their own interests. Despite talks between Muslim leaders and the LTTE, they continued to suffer violent attacks. Since the resumption of large-scale military action in mid-2006, Muslims have again been caught up in the fighting in the east. Dozens have been killed and thousands displaced. They have also come into conflict with a new, pro-government Tamil paramilitary group, the Karuna faction. Memories of LTTE oppression are still fresh, and rancorous disputes with Tamils over land and resources remain potent in the east. Muslim political leaders have often been divided, representing different historical experiences and geographical realities as well as personal and political differences. Muslims in the east and north ¿ who have been fundamentally affected by the conflict ¿ often have very different views from those who live in the south among the Sinhalese. Nevertheless, there is consensus on some key issues and a desire to develop a more united approach to the conflict. Muslims have never resorted to armed rebellion to assert their political position, although some have worked with the security forces, and a few were members of early Tamil militant groups. Fears of an armed movement emerging among Muslims, perhaps with a facade of Islamist ideology, have been present since the early 1990s, but most have remained committed to channelling their frustrations through the political process and negotiating with the government and Tamil militants at different times. There is no guarantee that this commitment to non-violence will continue, particularly given the frustration noticeable among younger Muslims in the Eastern province. In some areas there are Muslim armed groups but they are small and not a major security threat. Fears of armed Islamist movements emerging seem to be exaggerated, often for political ends. Small gangs have been engaged in semi-criminal activities and intra-religious disputes, but there is a danger they will take on a role in inter-communal disputes if the conflict continues to impinge upon the security of co-religionists. There is increasing interest among some Muslims in more fundamentalist versions of Islam, and there have been violent clashes between ultra-orthodox and Sufi movements. This kind of violence remains limited and most Muslims show considerable tolerance to other sects and other faiths. Nevertheless, the conflict is at least partly responsible for some Muslims channelling their frustrations and identity issues into religious disputes. Muslim peace proposals have tended to be reactive, dependent on the politics of the major Tamil and Sinhalese parties. Muslim autonomous areas in the east are being pursued but seem unlikely to be accepted by the present government. Muslims are concerned about Colombo¿s plans for development and governance in the east, which have not involved meaningful consultation with ethnic minorities and do not seem to include significant devolution of powers to local communities. In the longer term, only a full political settlement of the conflict can allow historical injustices against the Muslims to be addressed and begin a process of reconciliation. The LTTE, in particular, needs to revisit the history of its dealings with the Muslims if it is to gain any credibility in a future peace process in which the Muslims are involved. Only an equitable settlement, in which Sinhalese, Tamil and Muslim community concerns are adequately addressed, can really contain the growing disillusionment among a new generation of Sri Lankan Muslims.