Magister Legum - LLM / In the past, analyses of Uganda’s Transitional Justice legal and policy measures on truth-seeking have been focussed on evaluating the efficacy of a truth commission. However, being cognizant of the limitations entailed in taking that approach, this research adopts a more comprehensive examination of the problem, assessing the viability of all the known truth-seeking avenues and the opportunities they present in enabling Uganda to effectively address the challenge of enforcing accountability for past violations. The research uses a doctrinal study to demonstrate that even if Uganda were to adopt a truth commission as a truth-seeking initiative, there are no guarantees for its success. In fact, the research illustrates that, given the political context of there being no actual transition, a truth commission is more likely to fail and may only be used to achieve political rather than truth and justice objectives. Yet, the research finds that the current Transitional Justice discourse and the recent enactment of the National Transitional Justice Policy 2019 present good opportunity for the incorporation of traditional justice mechanisms into Uganda’s formal justice processes to enhance their truth-seeking capability.

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Heart failure (HF) affects 6 million Americans, has an expected increasing prevalence in the next 20 years, and has a 5-year mortality rate of 50%. It represents the number one reason for hospitalization in patients older than 65 years. Recent legislation has increased the accountability of care of patients with HF, specifically readmission rates for HF in less than 30 days. This increased focus on HF readmission rates has led many health care organizations to reassess transition-of-care issues (i.e., from home to hospital, from hospital to home) and possible interventions to positively impact these readmission rates. During this process, home health care providers play an integral role and should be aware of possible issues to ensure optimum care for patients.

Heart failure (HF) patients are among the populations with the highest rates of hospital readmission within 30 days of discharge. Because of the 2010 Health Care Reform legislation, healthcare organizations are subject to financial penalty when a patient population exhibits excess readmissions. A significant reason for readmission of HF patients is a gap in the transition of care from hospital to home. The purpose of this doctoral project was to develop a practice guideline of best practices for transitioning HF patients from hospital to home. The transitional care model and care transitions intervention provided the theoretical underpinnings for developing this project. The research question explored whether a transition-of-care guideline would reduce hospital readmission for the HF population. The methodology used to develop the clinical practice guideline was derived from a synthesis of scholarly literature and evidence-based transitional care quality initiatives. Seven interdisciplinary experts involved in HF transition of care used the Appraisal of Guidelines Research and Evaluation II instrument (AGREE II) to assess the development of the practice guideline. The scores of 6 AGREE II domains were summed and scaled to obtain a percentage of the maximum possible score for each domain. Scores showed that the clinical practice guideline was rigorous, high quality, effective in improving transition of care, and has the potential to reduce HF readmission. Positive social changes resulting from this practice guideline include an improvement in patient outcomes, a reduction in readmission rates, and a reduction in the associated financial burden to the hospital.

La dynamique des crises politiques au Burkina Faso a été empreinte de mobilisations multisectorielles ayant entraîné une désectorisation conjoncturelle de l'espace social avec pour corollaire une mobilité des enjeux des confrontations et des transactions collusives d’opposition et de gouvernement. Ces mobilisations se sont faites autour d’enjeux relatifs notamment : à la conquête du pouvoir d’État, au contrôle de l’appareil d’État ; à l’amélioration des conditions de vie des travailleurs ; à la propriété foncière ; à l’intangibilité des règles constitutionnelles relatives à l’exercice du pouvoir d’État ; à l’alternance au sommet de l’État ; à la participation de certains acteurs à la compétition politique ; à la prise de mesures d’atténuation de la cherté de la vie ; à la quête de la vérité et de la justice.Au final, les mobilisations multisectorielles ont été à l’origine de changements politiques qui, selon la conjoncture, ont été soit pacifiques, soit violents.Quelles que soient leurs caractéristiques, les différentes crises politiques ont contraint les protagonistes, mais aussi des tierces personnes à ces crises, à y trouver des solutions par le recours à diverses stratégies.Ces stratégies de sortie de crises politiques se sont jouées autour d’enjeux liés à : la conservation du pouvoir politique, la préservation de la paix sociale, le redressement économique et financier de l’État, le rétablissement de l’ordre public, la quête de la vérité et de la justice, l’obtention du pardon et de la réconciliation nationale.Elles ont donné lieu à une diversité d’initiatives avec pour corollaire une variété des moyens, coercitifs et pacifiques, utilisés pour sortir des situations de crise. En outre, les initiatives de sortie de crises politiques ont débouché sur des dynamiques de transitions constitutionnelles et de justice transitionnelle. Si elles ont constitué des processus distincts, elles n’en ont pas moins eu des finalités communes : la garantie des droits et la reconstruction de l’État de droit. Ces finalités communes peuvent coïncider de sorte que la dynamique de justice transitionnelle intègre le texte constitutionnel consacrant ainsi sa constitutionnalisation. Finalement, ces dynamiques transitionnelles ont constitué des fenêtres d’opportunités pour procéder à des réformes constitutionnelles et de politiques publiques. / The dynamics of the political crises in Burkina Faso have been marked by multisectoral mobilizations having led to a cyclical desectorization of the social space, with the consequence of a mobility of the stakes of confrontations and collusive opposition and government transactions.These mobilizations were made around relative issues including: the conquest of state power, the control of the state apparatus; to the improvement of the living conditions of the workers; land ownership; the inviolability of constitutional rules relating to the exercise of State power; alternation at the top of the state; the participation of certain actors in the political competition; taking measures to mitigate the high cost of living and the quest for truth and justice.In the end, the multisectoral mobilizations have been at the origin of political changes which, according to the conjuncture, were either peaceful or violent.The different political strategies have forced the protagonists, but also third parties to these crises, to find solutions by the use of various strategies.These strategies out of political crises were played around issues related to: the preservation of political power, the preservation of social peace, the economic and financial recovery of the state, the restoration of public order, the quest truth and justice, obtaining forgiveness and national reconciliation.They have given rise to a variety of initiatives, resulting in a variety of means, coercive and peaceful, used to emerge from crisis situations. In addition, the initiatives to end political crises have resulted in constitutional transitions and transitional justice. Although they constituted distinct processes, they nevertheless had common goals: the guarantee of rights and the reconstruction of the rule of law. These common goals can coincide so that the dynamics of transitional justice integrate the constitutional text thus consecrating its constitutionalisation. Finally, these transitional dynamics constituted windows of opportunity to carry out constitutional and public policy reforms.

One of the most violent periods of the Guatemalan civil war was the government of General Efraín Ríos Montt in the early 1980s, which went down in history with the sad legacy of genocide, large-scale displacement and other war crimes. Most of them have never been investigated or punished. The breakthrough of impunity was the accession of Claudia Paz y Paz to the head of the public prosecutor's office. Trial with Ríos Montt became the most exposed one. Despite the subsequent annulment of the incriminating verdict, this process was an important milestone in Guatemalan justice, but also in international law, contributing several key precedents. Ríos Montt became the first head of state to be convicted of genocide by a domestic tribunal. This work deals with the factors that influenced the war crimes prosecutions after the signing of peace agreements and analyzes the importance of the trial of Ríos Montt in the Guatemalan coming to terms with the past by the state. Key Words Guatemala, Efraín Ríos Montt, genocide, impunity, transitional justice

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This thesis examines views on reconciliation in Bosnia and Herzegovina, and how these have changed over time, in an attempt to elucidate if transitional justice can promote reconciliation in the aftermath of ethnic conflict in systems that entrench ethnonational insecurity. Drawing upon literature from the field of social psychology, the paper argues that the work of transitional justice mechanisms is interpreted through a sociopsychological infrastructure of conflict which hinders the intended effects from being realized. Data from two levels of analysis is utilized, with statements made by political elites and population surveys in order to identify trends in the views on reconciliation. While there is limited positive change observed at the population level, the same cannot be said of the elites. Ultimately, the results suggest that, in the case of post-Dayton BiH, transitional justice has been unable to promote reconciliation in the aftermath of ethnic conflict.