Thesis (doctoral) - Universität, Hohenheim, 2005.

This thesis deals with the role of teacher agency in the reform of curriculum under Universal Primary Education (UPE) in Uganda. It draws on empirical research conducted in two UPE case study schools in Uganda. The study was conducted in order to highlight the role of teacher agency in teachers’ professional practice and to analyse the ecological factors that contribute in shaping it, as well as its effects. The thesis begins with a description of the UPE curriculum in its global dimensions. It subsequently reviews the theoretical and empirical literature dealing with the role of teacher agency in the reform of curriculum under UPE, under the themes of ‘globalisation’, ‘teacher/biographical barriers to UPE reforms’, ‘contextual challenges of the reforms on teachers’, ‘teachers’ mediation of the reform challenges’ and ‘effects of the teachers’ mediation of reforms’. The study’s theoretical position draws on the critical realist philosophy of Roy Bhaskar and Margaret Archer, which guided the development a two-phased study design comprising of secondary document analysis using retroduction (Elder-Vass 2010; Edwards et al. 2014) in phase one and field work within the framework of Priestley et al.’s (2015b) ecological approach to teacher agency in phase two. The field work involved semi-structured interviews, observation and primary document analysis. The study established that the globalisation of UPE was driven by Education for All (EFA) under a neo-liberal agenda, which involved both structural and cultural reform. The structural reform has impacted UPE’s ecology through the evolution of a new ‘governance’ structure underpinned by partnership, decentralisation and performativity. Furthermore, it has involved access and inputs reform, which has been characterised by universalisation and the adoption of a partnership funding approach. Cultural reform has focused on curriculum and pedagogy. However, at the micro level of school/classroom practice, most of the reforms have resulted in ‘first order’ changes (Cuban 1998; Priestley 2011a), which are currently manifested by only partial success in absorbing the curriculum and pedagogy reforms, coupled with the continued lack of inputs. This is attributed, among others, to the responses of the teachers, or teacher agency. The study analysed the role of teacher agency in the case studies and concluded that it is widely manifested and is primarily driven by the practical-evaluative dimension, followed by the projective and iterational dimensions respectively. Furthermore, it has significant effects, which are both positive and negative. It therefore plays a significant role in the teachers’ professional practice, which needs to be acknowledged in educational planning. Finally, the study offered some recommendations and suggestions for further research.

Educational institutions are known to be at the heart of complex computing systems in any region in which they exist, especially in Africa. The existence of high end computing power, often connected to the Internet and to research network grids, makes educational institutions soft targets for attackers. Attackers of such networks are normally either looking to exploit the large computing resources available for use in secondary attacks or to steal Intellectual Property (IP) from the research networks to which the institutions belong. Universities also store a lot of information about their current students and staff population as well as alumni ranging from personal to financial information. Unauthorized access to such information violates statutory requirement of the law and could grossly tarnish the institutions name not to mention cost the institution a lot of money during post-incident activities. The purpose of this study was to investigate the information security practices that have been put in place by Research and Education Network of Uganda (RENU) member institutions to safeguard institutional data and systems from both internal and external security threats. The study was conducted on six member institutions in three phases, between the months of May and July 2011 in Uganda. Phase One involved the use of a customised quantitative questionnaire tool. The tool - originally developed by information security governance task-force of EDUCAUSE - was customised for use in Uganda. Phase Two involved the use of a qualitative interview guide in a sessions between the investigator and respondents. Results show that institutions rely heavily on Information and Communication Technology (ICT) systems and services and that all institutions had already acquired more than three information systems and had acquired and implemented some of the cutting edge equipment and systems in their data centres. Further results show that institutions have established ICT departments although staff have not been trained in information security. All institutions interviewed have ICT policies although only a few have carried out policy sensitization and awareness campaigns for their staff and students. / TeX

The purpose of this study was to investigate how rural Ugandan women engage with discussions of HIV and AIDS on community radio. It explored how this audience may relate such broadcast discussions to their own lived experience of HIV and AIDS. It is explained in the study that, while the Uganda government has an official policy of openly discussing matters of HIV and AIDS, health communication strategies still operate within a context where there is an underlying "culture of silence" that discourages openness about sexual matters. It is also pointed out that there are widespread gender disparities among rural communities, which severely limit women's ability to make use of health communication initiatives aimed at educating them. Against this backdrop, the study sets out to explore audience responses to a particular example of Speak Out and Listen, a weekly programme broadcast on Mama FM, a Kampala-based radio station managed by the Uganda Media Women's Association (UMWA). The study maps out responses to the programme by a particular group of rural women. It is argued that these research participants' comments confirm the importance, noted in literature dealing with health education, of drawing for content on what members of an audience have to say about their own lived context. It is proposed that, despite the existence of a 'culture of silence', the women's comments demonstrate an ability to speak with confidence about their experience of living with HIV and AIDS. Thcy are able, more particularly to discuss the constraints placed by gendered power relations on women's ability to draw on the educational content of programming that targets people living with HIV and AIDS. As such, the comments that such women offer represent a valuable resource for HIV and AIDS related programming. The principal conclusion of the study is that health communication initiatives such as Speak Out and Listen would benefit from facilitating conversations with their target audience about their lived experience of HIV and AIDS, and incorporating such discussion into their programmes

Submitted by YURI WICHER DAMASCENO null (yochi46@hotmail.com) on 2016-02-03T18:40:07Z No. of bitstreams: 1 YURI final CERTO.pdf: 1475275 bytes, checksum: 4e3c05dc9f3faf6b3f1dde85f0f3d256 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Ana Paula Grisoto (grisotoana@reitoria.unesp.br) on 2016-02-05T11:44:22Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 damasceno_yw_me_assis.pdf: 1475275 bytes, checksum: 4e3c05dc9f3faf6b3f1dde85f0f3d256 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-02-05T11:44:22Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 damasceno_yw_me_assis.pdf: 1475275 bytes, checksum: 4e3c05dc9f3faf6b3f1dde85f0f3d256 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-12-17 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / Trabalhamos a partir do conceito de representações utilizados pela “Nova” História Política que foi utilizado na compreensão dos relatos de missionários protestantes da Church Missionary Society liderados por Alexander Mackay, que atuaram na região central da África durante o final do século XIX (1876-1890), engajados em um projeto evangelizador para angariação de novos convertidos, principalmente a partir da análise da fonte primária The Wonderful History of Uganda publicado por Joseph Dennis Mullins em 1904 após a reunião de uma série de relatos produzidos no período utilizado como recorte temporal. O trabalho visa reconhecer e explanar a voz dos africanos suas atuações enquanto resistentes e negociadores do processo que levou à incursão da religião cristã protestante no território do antigo reino de Buganda. / We work from the concept of representations used by the “New” Political History that was used in the understanding of Protestant missionaries of the Church Missionary Society reports led by Alexander Mackay, who worked in Central Africa during the late nineteenth century (1876-1890 ), engaged in an evangelizing project for attracting new converts, particularly from the analysis of the primary source the Wonderful History of Uganda published by Joseph Dennis Mullins in 1904 after meeting a series of reports produced in the period used as a time frame. The work aims to recognize and explain the voice of Africans his performances as tough negotiators and the process that led to the incursion of Protestant Christian religion in the territory of the ancient kingdom of Buganda.

Submitted in fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Public Administration: Peace Studies, Durban University of Technology, Durban, South Africa, 2017. / This study was conducted between November 2015 and March 2016 in Nakivale Refugee Settlement, one of the oldest and largest refugee settlements in Africa. The objectives of the study were to determine the forms and causes of land conflicts in the refugee settlement; to establish the relationship between land conflicts and food security in the Settlement; to identify the strategies refugees adopt to cope with land shortage and food insecurity problems in the Settlement; to establish the residents’ perceptions of the effectiveness of interventions aimed at mitigating land conflicts and enhancing food security in the Settlement and its host communities. Interest in the study arose out of the reported persistence of food insecurity and land conflicts despite efforts to ensure food security and restore peace and security in the refugee settlement and the host communities. The study used exploratory, analytical and descriptive research designs to obtain qualitative primary data. Secondary data was obtained through documentary review. Primary data was collected using interviews, focus group discussion and observation. The study found that land conflicts involve the destruction of crops, livestock and even human lives and they sometimes culminate in costly legal battles in courts of law. They pit the Settlement Commandant against Ugandans in the Settlement, pastoralists against cultivators, pastoralists against pastoralists, cultivators against cultivators, refugees against Ugandans and refugees against refugees. The conflicts also oppose host communities against refugees, conservationists against encroachers on protected land and Ugandans in the Settlement against the government. The study also found the causes to be land-grabbing and fraudulent acquisition of, or claims on, land by unscrupulous people, encroachment on others’ land and protected land, high population growth, the presence of vacant land in the Settlement, competition over increasingly scarce land by cultivators and pastoralists, ambiguous settlement boundaries, contested land ownership, jealousy and antipathy. The study further established that there is a strong positive relationship between land conflicts and food insecurity. Violent land conflicts lead to the maiming and death of farmers, destruction of crops and livestock and deterrence of potential agricultural investors from investing in agriculture, thus lowering food production and increasing food insecurity. Land conflicts also render disputed land idle and therefore unproductive, leading to reduced food production; and, within families, land conflicts lead to land fragmentation which leads to reduced food production and increased food scarcity. Regarding refugee coping mechanisms, the study found that refugees in Nakivale resorted to both positive and negative coping mechanisms. Positive coping mechanisms include establishing small businesses, rural-urban migration, farming, education and resettlement, intermarriage, paid employment, and psychosocial support. Others were: borrowing money, casual labour, networking, remittances, spirituality and religion. Negative mechanisms include: cheating the system and self-integration, prostitution, early marriage, drug abuse, theft and robbery. The study also found that interventions in land conflicts in the Settlement were unsuccessful due to corruption and limited involvement of the beneficiaries. The challenges of implementing refugee policy in the Settlement were identified as limited funding, inadequate coordination and consultation between the district and settlement authorities, xenophobia and an increasing refugee population with insatiable demands. The study recommends the following: demarcation of the boundaries of the Settlement; relocation of some refugees to other settlements in the country; housing scheme for both refugees and nationals in the Settlement to enable everyone to live decently; affordable loans for both refugees and Nationals in the Settlement; introduction of plot numbers to resolve land conflicts among refugees; a structural plan for the Settlement; mechanization of agriculture in the Settlement and increased provision of farming inputs, such as fertilisers to all farmers in the Settlement; coordinated and participatory planning between settlement and district authorities, involving refugees and Nationals. / D

The aim of this thesis will be to decipher why Acholi ethnic identity remained such a critical political tool in late and post-colonial Uganda, from 1950-1985, just before the outbreak of civil war in 1986. The thesis will centre not on the inevitability of the war, but will instead focus on the political processes that preceded it. It will seek fill a gap in a historiography of a people whose contribution to the Ugandan nation state goes beyond that of collective suffering, violence, paramilitary warfare and ethnic conflict. To effectively do this there will be an assessment of how Acholi gender, class and social hierarchies, religious identities, regional identifications and the much-touted ‘martial’ identity have been utilised internally and externally to politically reinforce Acholi ethnicity in late-colonial and post-colonial Uganda. Ugandan political engagement has continually allowed the politics of ethnicity to take a centre stage. Even in the present day, Uganda remains ethnically and regionally divided between the ‘North’ and the ‘South’. Bantu-speaking ethnic groups in the southern, central and western Uganda, including the Baganda, Basoga, Bagisu, Banyoro, Batoro, and Banyankole, dominate the South. The North, which is home to the Nilotic groups, encompasses the Acholi, Lango, Madi, Alur, Iteso, and the Karamojong peoples. Historically, the political and ethnic divisions between the peoples of Northern and Southern Uganda have contributed to the country’s contentious post-colonial history. This thesis will argue that political hostilities between the peoples of the two regions were a by-product of the economic and political policies of the colonial government and the administrations that followed. Regional demarcations, sanctioned by the British and adopted by post-colonial regimes, reinforced strong ethnically divided local governments founded on pre-colonial, colonial and post-colonial Acholi socio-political institutions. Economic underdevelopment played a large part in fostering political tensions between Northern and Southern Uganda and served as useful tool for Acholi power brokers to negotiate for political and economic capital with the state, by utilising the politics of regional differentiation through the ‘Northern identity.’ Consequently, with onset of decolonisation Ugandan ‘nationalism’ became a localised movement driven by ethnically homogenous local governments and kingdoms. For the Acholi ethnic group, the most visible of their colonial and post-colonial identities has been that of the ‘martial race’. Acholi soldiers joined the army largely as a means to access job opportunities, and by doing so they became the representatives of state coercion and violence. Yet those that joined did not do so to deliberately suppress other ethnic groups: rather employment opportunities were limited in the locality and the army corps provided access to economic and social mobility. Despite being the most visible identity nationally, the ‘martial identity’ has not been the most dominant locally, or even the driving force within the Acholi polity in the last thirty-five years. Acholi late-colonial and post-colonial history has been informed by the historical processes that have shaped the relationship between the Acholi ‘moral ethnicity’ and ‘political tribalism’. The latter provided an opportunity for politically minded Acholi to participate within national politics, yet the former kept them tied to the locality. As the political representation of the Acholi outside the region ‘political tribalism’ was combative, utilising religious, clan, and regional identities to make demands against the state. The prominence of ethnopolitics within national politics ensured that within the repertoire of the Acholi ‘cultural tool kit’, ethnopolitics remained the dominant tool for external political engagement.

This thesis investigates the impacts and determinants of unequal gender relations within households in Uganda. The first topic addressed is the impacts of intrahousehold bargaining power on female agricultural labour supply in Uganda. There have been relatively few studies in Africa and Uganda in particular on this very important issue—mainly due to lack of appropriate data. I have accessed and used a unique merged cross-section dataset that combines individual women’s information and household level indicators of agricultural production. The 2005/06 Uganda National Household Survey (UNHS) and Uganda Demographic and Health Survey (UDHS) merged cross-sectional dataset for the first time captured indicators of women’s status within households and at the same time captured detailed agricultural data—especially relating to: labour allocation, types of agricultural activities, and nature of crop production—whether cash crops or food crops. Our results indicate that women with greater bargaining power contribute more to agricultural production and any continued gender discriminations is bound to affect agricultural production negatively. With regard to coffee production—Uganda’s leading cash crop, we find that increasing household coffee crop activities are also associated with reducing female labour allocation to agricultural production. The second topic adopts an ordinary least squares and marginal probit approaches in examining the impacts of female bargaining power on multi dimensional indicators of household health in the context of a country with very poor indicators of health status like Uganda. We use a sample of 6,600 children aged less than 5 years and 4,700 married women from two cross sectional surveys in 2000/1 and 2006 to examine how female bargaining power impacts on children’s anthropometric outcomes; children’s use of vaccination services; a woman’s nutritional status; and woman’s use of reproductive health services. We find that bargaining power as measured by an index for a couple’s relational indicators has minimal impacts on either children’s or women’s health status. Instead, it is mainly indicators of household welfare status that matter most—despite the presence of free public health care in Uganda. The third topic of the thesis examines female empowerment, as captured by participation in decision-making in the context of a country with strong patriarchal gender norms, such as Uganda. We use a sample of 9,800 married women from two cross-sectional surveys in 2000/1 and 2006, who were asked, “Who has the final say?” with respect to four major household decisions: the woman’s own health; large household purchases; and daily household purchases; and visiting family or relatives. These data allow us to shed light on whether the characteristics for empowerment are similar across different domains of decision-making and the extent to which cultural norms, as captured by ethnicity, constrain female empowerment in Uganda. We find that graduating from secondary school and ethnicity proxies are significantly related to empowerment in different domains. Furthermore, our results are a robust to choice of empowerment indicator used.

Magister Public Health - MPH / Introduction: Despite overwhelming evidence about benefits of early initiation of antiretroviral treatment (ART) for HIV-exposed children in terms of reducing their morbidity and mortality, there are children in Uganda and globally who still do not access treatment. Early infant diagnosis (EID) of HIV infection offers an opportunity for identifying, follow up and testing for HIV-exposed infants. In Uganda, despite the availability of EID of HIV infection for infants, many are left undiagnosed or diagnosed when it is too late, resulting in high HIV-related child mortality. The aim of this research therefore was to explore the facilitators and barriers to EID of HIV for infants of mothers who delivered at Entebbe hospital in Uganda and from this propose lessons for increasing EID uptake. Methodology: The study utilised a qualitative exploratory approach using in-depth interviews with mothers who brought back their children for early HIV testing and those who never returned their children for testing. Key informant interviews were conducted with health care providers and peer mothers. Interviews were recorded and transcribed verbatim. Data were analysed using the thematic content analysis approach to identify themes and patterns in the data. Results: Individual, health facility, community and economic factors were found to affect EID uptake. Individual factors include limited knowledge about: the timing for EID, the efficacy of PMTCT interventions and HIV treatment and the fact that asymptomatic children can be HIV-positive. Other caregiver factors include fear of finding out their children are HIV-positive, denial of HIV status, fear of disclosure and the resulting stigma and discrimination, caregiver religious and cultural beliefs. The negative attitudes of the health care workers, fear of breach of confidentiality, inadequate EID information from the health care workers, caregiver place of delivery and long waiting times were the health facility factors affecting EID. Conclusion: Early infant diagnosis is a critical gateway to prevention and care services for paediatric HIV. The results of this study suggest that factors at caregiver level are critical drivers that influence uptake of EID at Entebbe hospital, Uganda. Providing information to caregivers and promoting awareness about the benefits of testing infants early are the recommended strategies for increasing uptake.

Throughout the past five years a flood of international attention has been paid to Uganda. This focus has to do with the proposal, passage, and annulment of the Anti- Homosexuality Bill (AHB). In its original form, the AHB prescribed the death penalty for some acts of homosexuality, mandated prison sentences for the ‘promotion of homosexuality’, and required Ugandans to report ‘offenders’ to the authorities. Overwhelmingly the predominant frames found throughout the international press, attribute the Legislation to two main factors, the influence of the North American evangelical movement, and/or the ruling party—the National Resistance Movement—using local homophobia to obscure broader trends of restricting human rights and democratic freedoms. While both explanations have degrees of validity they underplay the tangible religiousity of the context, demonstrated in the discursive influence of the Ugandan Pentecostal-Charismatic (PC) movement, at the heart of the Legislation. Yet, PC influence is demonstrated far beyond the Legislation alone, and it is changing the nature of Ugandan politics, governance, and the formation of citizenship. This thesis examines the influence of PC discourse on processes of governance and citizenship by using the PC engagement with sexuality in the public sphere to understand its political impact. I argue that PC discourse in the public sphere—which functions by reinscribing the past, present, and future—reveals tensions in the Ugandan public sphere, the negotiation of citizenship, and perpetuates the indistinct boundaries between religion, politics, and governance. Through an extended ethnographic approach conducted at four local PC churches over the course of fourteens months in Kampala—including Miracle Centre, One Love, Watoto, and Covenant Nations—analysis of church-produced discourse collected through participant observations and interviews elucidates the impact of moral narratives on political governance and citizenship. In church-produced discourse homosexuality is positioned as inherently un-African, a practice learned from the West that undermines local tradition and morality, and is a threat to the up-and-coming generation charged with transforming the nation. Consequently, for the PC community the Legislation functions as a display of autonomy from Western influence, and a stride towards nation building by establishing a moral citizenry reflective of PC tenets of sexual purity, by a religious community that has taken on the role of development actor. The implications of the study cannot be understated. PC discourse has profound implications for Ugandans living outside of the bounds of PC identity. The AHB reflects the newfound political influence and impact of PC discourse in the public sphere. Consequently as members of the local lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and intersex (LGBTI) community, a community seen as incompatible with this newly aligned moral national identity, is rendered not to belong to Uganda. In turn the boundaries between the political and the religious are made more and more indistinguishable, and the Ugandan LGBTI community without a distinguishable country.