The study on the role of preaching within the United Church of Zambia in Kitwe, with a purpose of finding out and documenting the role of preaching in three case study congregations of the United Church of Zambia in the city of Kitwe, and to underscore the point that the study has focused on how members of the three case study congregations described and justified the superiority of preaching. It includes the analysis of data from the three case study congregations of the United Church of Zambia and applying the methodology of Richard Osmer’s (2008) practical theological interpretation. The literature was from books, and data was collected from the participants by using their experiences in a research perspective. The researcher used unstructured interviews from thirty-one participants drawn from the three congregations of the United Church of Zambia within the city of Kitwe, employing qualitative methods in the collection and analysis of data. / Philosophy, Practical and Systematic Theology / M. Th. (Practical Theology)

No description available.

The challenge of building relationships of authentic mutuality across lines of difference is an increasingly critical concern in the Christian church and the larger society. Despite decades of work to overcome racism and the legacy of colonialism, cross-cultural relationships are still marred by misunderstanding, an imbalance of resources, and the risks of paternalism and dependence. In the church, these issues often come into focus in mission work, both domestic and international. This research explores the potential and the obstacles to the formation of just relationships through the careful examination of a case—the mission partnership between the Pentecostal Church of Chile and the United Church of Christ. These two denominations, from different branches of the global church but with a shared commitment to ecumenism, undertook multiple shared programmatic activities that facilitated encounters that made possible enduring friendships, despite the obstacles created by differences in language, culture, religious practice, and economic development. The study employs a mixed methodology located within practical theology, including the construction of a history of this partnership through the use of archival materials, a discussion of the history of ecumenical conversation about partnership in the global church, analysis of the similarities and differences between Pentecostal and Reformed Christians, a review of research on short-term mission trips, and an ethnographic presentation of a cross-cultural immersion program for youth from the two churches. It concludes with a discussion of friendship as a theological and sociological term, based in part on semi-structured interviews with partnership participants in both churches. The study finds that despite multiple challenges, this partnership endured because of institutional commitments made by denominational leaders and the willingness of individual members of both churches to participate in partnership activities. In addition, participants demonstrated diverse expressions of friendships with each other, despite the many barriers and impediments to relationship building. The study has implications for other kinds of international partnership and cross-cultural work in both Christian mission and nongovernmental organizations. It reveals some of the characteristics that allow international partner relationships to form and endure. It also identifies the practices of encounter, intentionality, mutual respect, patience, and attentiveness that help to build cultural competencies.

Thesis (D. Min.)--Northern Baptist Theological Seminary, 2007. / Abstract. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 192-200).

Thesis (D. Min.)--Northern Baptist Theological Seminary, 2007. / Abstract. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 192-200).

No description available.

The well-known outcome of the 1988 federal election – a Conservative Party majority in Parliament and an effective “yes” to the question of whether or not the Free Trade Agreement between Canada and the United States was desired – tends to obscure the importance of the process by which a large non-party based opposition movement sought to cultivate and organize the public’s understanding of the election’s central premise. While the opposition movement failed to have Prime Minister Brian Mulroney removed from power, the discursive process that the movement both created and was the driving force behind, is key to understanding the historical context of the debate over free trade itself. This thesis will illustrate that there existed a discursive process amongst the efforts of the anti-free trade movement from 1985-1988 to cultivate, organize, and mobilize public opposition to Mulroney’s neo-liberal economic policies, through re-framing those objections into a larger and more deeply-rooted Canadian historical narrative. A discourse analysis was conducted using the various public education materials produced by major anti-free trade civil society organizations in Canada. The examination of that discourse revealed three major stages in the overall process: First, organizations relied heavily on classic paradigms of an anti-continentalist narrative to reinforce what was different between the two countries creating an us and them paradigm and building a case for Canadian exceptionalism. Second, there was an intensification of the us and them language into a more defined us versus them, or them against us, dichotomy. Third, the anti-free trade movement sought to effectively translate the previously established civic opposition into pragmatic political action in preparation for a national election campaign. The results show that there was an evolution in the ways members of the civil society opposition framed and evolved their arguments in order to turn their “issues” into more of a “crisis.” By employing (and expanding on) discursive tools used within that public narrative to generate fear of the other to validate illusions of self, and to construct believable threats to the collective, the more “micro” discussion over the growing pervasiveness of neo-liberalism took on a hyper-nationalistic and symbolic routine, one that mirrored the iconic political and electoral debates in 1891 and 1911, both of which had also been based upon the potential for free trade with the United States. Most of all, the evidence points to a popular opposition movement against free trade, which not only significantly pre-dated the official political opposition, but in some respects created its message and focus.

The well-known outcome of the 1988 federal election – a Conservative Party majority in Parliament and an effective “yes” to the question of whether or not the Free Trade Agreement between Canada and the United States was desired – tends to obscure the importance of the process by which a large non-party based opposition movement sought to cultivate and organize the public’s understanding of the election’s central premise. While the opposition movement failed to have Prime Minister Brian Mulroney removed from power, the discursive process that the movement both created and was the driving force behind, is key to understanding the historical context of the debate over free trade itself. This thesis will illustrate that there existed a discursive process amongst the efforts of the anti-free trade movement from 1985-1988 to cultivate, organize, and mobilize public opposition to Mulroney’s neo-liberal economic policies, through re-framing those objections into a larger and more deeply-rooted Canadian historical narrative. A discourse analysis was conducted using the various public education materials produced by major anti-free trade civil society organizations in Canada. The examination of that discourse revealed three major stages in the overall process: First, organizations relied heavily on classic paradigms of an anti-continentalist narrative to reinforce what was different between the two countries creating an us and them paradigm and building a case for Canadian exceptionalism. Second, there was an intensification of the us and them language into a more defined us versus them, or them against us, dichotomy. Third, the anti-free trade movement sought to effectively translate the previously established civic opposition into pragmatic political action in preparation for a national election campaign. The results show that there was an evolution in the ways members of the civil society opposition framed and evolved their arguments in order to turn their “issues” into more of a “crisis.” By employing (and expanding on) discursive tools used within that public narrative to generate fear of the other to validate illusions of self, and to construct believable threats to the collective, the more “micro” discussion over the growing pervasiveness of neo-liberalism took on a hyper-nationalistic and symbolic routine, one that mirrored the iconic political and electoral debates in 1891 and 1911, both of which had also been based upon the potential for free trade with the United States. Most of all, the evidence points to a popular opposition movement against free trade, which not only significantly pre-dated the official political opposition, but in some respects created its message and focus.

The well-known outcome of the 1988 federal election – a Conservative Party majority in Parliament and an effective “yes” to the question of whether or not the Free Trade Agreement between Canada and the United States was desired – tends to obscure the importance of the process by which a large non-party based opposition movement sought to cultivate and organize the public’s understanding of the election’s central premise. While the opposition movement failed to have Prime Minister Brian Mulroney removed from power, the discursive process that the movement both created and was the driving force behind, is key to understanding the historical context of the debate over free trade itself. This thesis will illustrate that there existed a discursive process amongst the efforts of the anti-free trade movement from 1985-1988 to cultivate, organize, and mobilize public opposition to Mulroney’s neo-liberal economic policies, through re-framing those objections into a larger and more deeply-rooted Canadian historical narrative. A discourse analysis was conducted using the various public education materials produced by major anti-free trade civil society organizations in Canada. The examination of that discourse revealed three major stages in the overall process: First, organizations relied heavily on classic paradigms of an anti-continentalist narrative to reinforce what was different between the two countries creating an us and them paradigm and building a case for Canadian exceptionalism. Second, there was an intensification of the us and them language into a more defined us versus them, or them against us, dichotomy. Third, the anti-free trade movement sought to effectively translate the previously established civic opposition into pragmatic political action in preparation for a national election campaign. The results show that there was an evolution in the ways members of the civil society opposition framed and evolved their arguments in order to turn their “issues” into more of a “crisis.” By employing (and expanding on) discursive tools used within that public narrative to generate fear of the other to validate illusions of self, and to construct believable threats to the collective, the more “micro” discussion over the growing pervasiveness of neo-liberalism took on a hyper-nationalistic and symbolic routine, one that mirrored the iconic political and electoral debates in 1891 and 1911, both of which had also been based upon the potential for free trade with the United States. Most of all, the evidence points to a popular opposition movement against free trade, which not only significantly pre-dated the official political opposition, but in some respects created its message and focus.