O presente estudo propôs-se investigar de que forma os acordos assinados com a USAID sobre ensino superior no Brasil fizeram parte da estratégia dos Estados Unidos de construção de regimes internacionais mais amplos que deveriam sustentar a ordem mundial depois da Segunda Guerra Mundial. A hipótese central é a de que esses acordos estavam relacionados com a estratégia de promoção do desenvolvimento econômico e social que tinha, de um lado, a noção de que o desenvolvimento poderia ser planejado e implementado pelos governos e, de outro, uma visão de segurança internacional em que a promoção do desenvolvimento era entendida como fator essencial. Para a realização do estudo foram realizadas análise documental e entrevistas com pessoas que, de várias formas, estiveram ligadas às ações da USAID no ensino superior brasileiro na década de 1960, em especial ao caso de cooperação técnica com a Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Sul. Os dados levantados pelo estudo permitiram confirmar em larga medida a hipótese levantada inicialmente, mas mostraram também que a questão é bem mais complexa. Os acordos da USAID sobre ensino superior no Brasil fizeram parte da estratégia de construção de regimes internacionais, mas representaram apenas uma etapa de um amplo programa de cooperação científica e tecnológica iniciada muito antes.

This dissertation is an attempt to use the radical political economy approach, which assumes that there is a connection between a state’s strategic interests and the interests of dominant multinational corporations (MNCs) located within a state’s territory, to explain continuity in the USAID development agenda and lending patterns during the past 30 years of development aid to Haiti. Employing the qualitative method of "process-tracing," my study concludes that the radical political economy approach has an explanatory power when it comes to understanding continuity in the USAID development agenda and lending patterns during the past 30 years of development aid to Haiti. The evidence shows that USAID has implemented in Haiti, from the 1980s through the post-9/11 Washington Consensus period, neoliberal policies that conform to the political economy of US multinational corporations (US MNCs). Contrary to the claim that the USAID-sponsored post-earthquake development paradigm has departed from previous development strategies, the study has shown that USAID has used the occurrence of the January 2010 earthquake tragedy to accelerate in Haiti the implementation of a neoliberal agenda congenial to the business promotion of multinational investors, particularly US multinational corporations. In terms of the way ahead, the study argues for the implementation of a new development approach articulated by a legitimate Haitian state and primarily intended to promote the socioeconomic development of the poorest Haitians.

Dissertação (mestrado)—Universidade de Brasília, Faculdade de Educação, 2008. / Submitted by Diogo Trindade Fóis (diogo_fois@hotmail.com) on 2009-09-10T13:00:11Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2008_DanielMachadoGaio.pdf: 519867 bytes, checksum: 44ecff7d5eef5fcec2c92fad3645007d (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Guimaraes Jacqueline(jacqueline.guimaraes@bce.unb.br) on 2009-11-03T17:33:19Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 2008_DanielMachadoGaio.pdf: 519867 bytes, checksum: 44ecff7d5eef5fcec2c92fad3645007d (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2009-11-03T17:33:19Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2008_DanielMachadoGaio.pdf: 519867 bytes, checksum: 44ecff7d5eef5fcec2c92fad3645007d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008-05-09 / O presente estudo tem como objetivo compreender os significados dos conceitos de modernização historicamente construídos e analisar criticamente a relação entre o discurso de modernização e a efetivação deste na política educacional proposta pela USAID. Buscamos discutir o conceito de modernização proposto, no contexto da cooperação técnica e financeira desenvolvida junto ao MEC entre os anos de 1963 e 1971, destinados à reformulação da estrutura do ensino básico brasileiro. Para tanto, tornou-se necessário um aprofundamento sobre o papel das associações empresariais e dos organismos internacionais no contexto e a participação destes, enquanto cooperação técnica internacional, na formulação das políticas públicas do Estado brasileiro. A análise da cooperação técnica e financeira celebrada entre a USAID e o MEC e dos estudos e documentos que a permeiam apontam para o reconhecimento de duas razões fundamentais para a sua existência: em primeiro lugar, uma razão de natureza externa, compreendendo a ação ideológica desenvolvida pelos Estados Unidos no sentido de criar as condições culturais e psicológicas para a absorção e legitimação da hegemonia estadunidense; a outra razão, de natureza interna, visava prover a necessidade de modernização da sociedade, tendo como objetivo adequá-la ao ponto de vista econômico, financeiro, social e cultural do modelo capitalista industrial associado e dependente em fase de consolidação. _________________________________________________________________________________________ ABSTRACT / The goal of this study is an attempt to understand the meanings of the modernization concepts historically constructed and to analyze critically the relationship between the modernization discourse and the effectiveness of educational policies proposed by the USAID. The concept of modernization discussed was focused on the technical and financial aspects of international cooperation between USAID and MEC to the reformulation of the brazilian basic education structure in the years of 1963 til 1971. To understand this process were necessary a deep research about the role and the participation played by the business associations and international organisms for the public policies formulations to Brazilian State. The analysis of the studies and documents of technical and financial aspects of this international cooperation between USAID and MEC shows two basic reasons for this agreement celebration: first external nature ratio, it is related with the action developed by United States to create conditions to absorption of the psychological, and cultural ideology reinforcing the american hegemony legitimacy; second a domestic nature, it is related to building a pattern of society modernization necessity to satisfy the financial, social and cultural types of an associated and dependent industrial capitalist system during the consolidation process in that period.

CVE is complex. It requires combatting the narratives and ideology of many extremist groups around the globe, constructing environments with appealing alternatives to extremism, and most importantly, sensitivity to the variety of circumstances in which CVE takes place to effectively battle the root causes of extremism. Constructing a complete CVE effort thus requires a great variety of skills, coordinated to efficient implementation. Despite notional commitment, U.S. CVE abroad lacks interagency coordination. JIATF-S offers a strong model of interagency coordination, from which lessons may be applied to the formation of an interagency CVE effort. Interagency coordination would bring extensive expertise and resources to bear on CVE operations.

Thesis (Ed.D.)--Boston University / The dissolution of the Soviet Union and the end of the Cold War are widely recognized as watershed events in the history of world affairs. Decision-makers and scholars in many fields are only beginning to understand the profound shifts and realignments in global political and economic relationships in a post-Cold War world. An important link between the United States and the former Soviet republics is the foreign assistance program in the region, since assistance efforts often serve as an important lens through which to view strategic relationships between nations. This evaluative policy research explores that link through qualitative case studies of three US Agency for International Development (USAID) projects in the region. Each qualitative case study represents a distinct approach to foreign assistance delivery in the region: classical technical assistance (represented by ZdravReform in contracts with Abt Associates), formal site partnership (in cooperative agreements with the American International Health Alliance), and experimental technology (a cooperative agreement with the former Selentec, Inc.). Three policy context chapters (Chapters I, II, and III) introduce the case studies, in which historical trends of the assistance effort and of the domestic foreign policy-making framework in Washington, DC, are highlighted. A final chapter (VII) examines the findings from the study and recommends a refocusing of the foreign assistance effort in the NIS toward more long-term developmental strategies. Theoretical and methodological assumptions in the study are informed by the constructionist approach to policy evaluation described by Guba and Lincoln (1989). This broad approach assumes that different constructions or interpretations exist concerning the nature and goals of projects. Unlike typical project evaluations, this approach does not assume that stakeholders in projects share common perceptions of the expected goals for and outcomes of their projects. Constructionist approaches to qualitative study fall within the interpretative stream of social science explored by theorists and researchers from a number of disciplines (Geertz, 1973; Denzin, 1992; Hammersley, 1989; Bruner, 1990). More specific conceptual assumptions also are explored in Chapter I, drawn from the literature on institutional research . Emphasis is placed in the evaluative analysis on how effectively conflicts that arose among the multiple stakeholders in each project were addressed.

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Yes

Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2018-07-18T11:45:53Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Pamela de Mattos Rossi.pdf: 1398215 bytes, checksum: be29a0dcef85351e29074e0dc12ff842 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-07-18T11:45:53Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Pamela de Mattos Rossi.pdf: 1398215 bytes, checksum: be29a0dcef85351e29074e0dc12ff842 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-04-27 / Conselho Nacional de Pesquisa e Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico - CNPq / This dissertation aims to analyze and discuss the news published in the newspaper, O Estado de São Paulo (OESP) from 1962 to 1973, relating to bilateral technical and financial 'help' established between Brazil and United States of America, in order to reform and revamp the country's education in all degrees of education. Through the signing of agreements between the Ministry of Education and Culture and Agency for International Development (USAID), known as, historically, MEC-USAID agreement. To this end, investigates the agreements and representations, as such idea was organizing in terms of speeches produced by OESP. It has been by chance that the journal played the role of a trainer of public consensus making the necessary arrangements for the so stage of national education. For the development of this research, were analyzed one hundred and eighty-six (186) national editions of OESP, considering the following criteria from observation of information from a database: a) categorization of news by main themes; b) analysis of news and editorials, considering the position of OESP newspaper, before and after the civil-military coup (1964). Were also analyzed legal and official documents on the theme. It was notice that OESP centralized discussions around the agreements formulated for Advise and Planning of Higher Education, and fluctuated between criticism and criminalization of movements opposed to the establishment of such agreements, particularly in relation to the National Union of Students (UNE) / Esta dissertação tem o objetivo de analisar e problematizar as matérias publicadas no jornal, O Estado de S. Paulo (OESP) de 1962 a 1973, relativas aos acordos bilaterais de “ajuda” técnica e financeira estabelecidos entre Brasil e Estados Unidos da América, visando à reforma e a reformulação da educação do país em todos os graus de ensino, por meio da assinatura de acordos firmados entre o Ministério da Educação e Cultura e Agency for International Development (USAID), denominados, historicamente, como “Acordos MEC-USAID”. Para tal, investiga-se as representações lançadas sobre os acordos e como tal ideia foi organizada no plano dos discursos produzidos pelo jornal OESP. Tem-se por hipótese que o periódico desempenhou o papel de formador de consenso público tornando os acordos imprescindíveis para o então estágio da educação nacional. Para o desenvolvimento desta pesquisa foram analisadas cento e oitenta e seis (186) edições nacionais de OESP, pensando os seguintes critérios, a partir de observação de informações de um banco de dados: a) categorização das matérias por temas principais; b) análise das matérias e editoriais, considerando o posicionamento do jornal OESP, antes e depois do golpe civil-militar (1964). Também foram analisados documentos oficiais de ordem jurídica e relativa ao tema. Percebeu-se que OESP centralizou os debates em torno dos acordos formulados para Assessoria e Planejamento do Ensino Superior, e oscilou entre a crítica e criminalização dos movimentos contrários ao estabelecimento dos referidos acordos, principalmente em relação ao movimento estudantil universitário liderado pela União Nacional dos Estudantes (UNE)

Today, many Guatemalans flee the country and leave their home communities behind due to poor living conditions and high unemployment. Irregular migration involves many risks yet is for many seen as a necessity to live a purposeful life. Since attempts to improve these circumstances often is based on Westernized ideals and experiences, this study aims to portray the needs and attitudes from Maya communities in the Sololá region, Guatemala. To achieve this aim, twelve semi-structured interviews were conducted, one with representatives from the international organization for migration (IOM), 4 with mayors in the region and 7 with 8 Maya women who live in these communities. The study was carried out in collaboration with the nongovernmental organisation Natün who are active in the area, working to improve the Maya community's situation. By using the neoclassical theory, the new economics of labour migration and decolonial theory the experiences of the respondents were analysed. The results show that there is a broad spectrum of causes regarding why people feel the need to leave. Moreover, even though people have possibilities in Guatemala, they still search for a better life in the U.S. The United States Agency for International Development (USAID) and IOM´s purpose was analysed and compared to the actual needs of the community resulting in the conclusion that there is a risk these organization base their work on underlying motives such as stemming migration.

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