Foreign policy of Turkey has undergone many changes in the past ten years, during the reign of the political party called Party of justice and development. Original orientation to European Union while neglecting relations with the countries of the Near East has changed. Nowadays, Turkey is an ambitious state which wants to play an important role not only in its immediate surroundings. Foreign minister, Ahmet Davutoglu aims his foreign policy to keep contact with partners from the NATO but he also tries to stay independent in decisions in order to expand into other markets. Trade policy and cultural exchange are the key means of the development of Turkey with a goal of becoming regional power. At present it is not possible to fulfil zero problems policy with neighbours with regard to the situation in Syria or disagreements in settlement of Iranian nuclear program. We can observe progress in relation with Russia and China up to the level of strategic partnership. Considering wide range of Turkish foreign policy, the goal of this work was to evaluate whether Turkey, in relation to other states, is a regional power these days. The means of evaluation were creating characteristics of a regional power and analysis of current Turkish foreign policy.

The diploma thesis analyses the role of Iran in contemporary relations. It discuss its position by means of its historic background, its religious beliefs, its economic situation, the monetary aspects and its inner politic situation. The main attention is focused on its relations with the United States of America, particularly on economic ties, petrodollar policy and on the Iranian nuclear program threat. It also pays attention to the context of oil importance in the Middle East and to the Israeli foreign policy.

Strategic alliance is a little-known alliance between Turkey and Israel. These two in the region exceptional countries are gaining a lot from what was initially military and economic cooperation, however, not as much as originally hoped. At the same time they have to face severe criticisms from their neighbors for this alliance. Therefore, the question the work seeks to answer is what the future prospects for the Strategic Alliance are and what factors could affect its future. Analysis of the circumstances and reasons for establishment and development of the alliance strives to describe all aspects which could lead to its break-down. In addition to military and business cooperation the paper deals with the issue of ethnic conflict in Turkey and in Israel, the use of water in the region and, in particular, analyzes relations with other countries in the Middle East and beyond, having impact on the alliance development.

Master thesis deals with tax havens and their utilization. In the teoretical part are defined fundaments of the tax havens and their utilization. Next part of thesis is analysis of tax havens in the Middle East. In this part focus is on coutries like Bahrain, Qatar or United Arab Emirates. Based of founded facts are concluded recommendations for concrete company with aim to reduce taxation.

This work gives an overview of the composition of the diet of bats in the eastern Mediterranean and the Middle East, discusses the structure of bat communities in different bioregions of the area in terms of hunting strategies and resource partitioning and last but not least, how echolocation and morphological characteristics of bats affect the composition of the diet. Although some samples were relatively small therefore it is necessary to look soberly at their informative value, and thus their importance is undeniable. The study in some cases provides completely the first information regarding the composition of diet in several species. Asellia arabica mainly catches Coleoptera (Scarabaeidae), Triaenops persicus hunts Lepidoptera, but Heteroptera, Coleoptera (Scarabaeidae) and Orthoptera too, while Triaenops parvus is a specialist in hunting Lepidoptera. Rhinopoma muscatellum hunts mainly Formicoidea, followed by Coleoptera (Melolonthinae) and Heteroptera, Rhinopoma hadramauticum hunts Formicoidea. Lepidoptera of different size, Heteroptera and Coleoptera are the prey of Chaerephon nigeriae. Pipistrellus hanaki has a wide niche breadth as other species of the genus Pipistrellus. In this study Brachycera, Auchenorrhyncha and Coleoptera primarily occurred in its diet. Not yet described species of...

This work gives an overview of the composition of the diet of bats in the eastern Mediterranean and the Middle East, discusses the structure of bat communities in different bioregions of the area in terms of hunting strategies and resource partitioning and last but not least, how echolocation and morphological characteristics of bats affect the composition of the diet. Although some samples were relatively small therefore it is necessary to look soberly at their informative value, and thus their importance is undeniable. The study in some cases provides completely the first information regarding the composition of diet in several species. Asellia arabica mainly catches Coleoptera (Scarabaeidae), Triaenops persicus hunts Lepidoptera, but Heteroptera, Coleoptera (Scarabaeidae) and Orthoptera too, while Triaenops parvus is a specialist in hunting Lepidoptera. Rhinopoma muscatellum hunts mainly Formicoidea, followed by Coleoptera (Melolonthinae) and Heteroptera, Rhinopoma hadramauticum hunts Formicoidea. Lepidoptera of different size, Heteroptera and Coleoptera are the prey of Chaerephon nigeriae. Pipistrellus hanaki has a wide niche breadth as other species of the genus Pipistrellus. In this study Brachycera, Auchenorrhyncha and Coleoptera primarily occurred in its diet. Not yet described species of...

Throughout history, the relationship between the Islamic Republic of Iran and the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia has been dynamic and complex. These two Middle Eastern superpowers went from being allies to being enemies that are fighting for hegemony in the region after the Iranian Revolution. Ideological and religious reasons are usually used to explain the shift in their relationship.However,the complexity oftheirrelationship can notonly be described by them.This thesis aims to analyse changes that occurred in the relationship between Iran and Saudi Arabia through the lens of the role that leadership played in their relationship,focusing on the impact that public support has on decisions brought by leadership. Already existing literature that relates to this research is mainly focusing on democratic countries. Therefore,this thesis aims to show that public opinion is vital for the non-democratic Middle Eastern leadership of Iran and Saudi Arabia, as well. It will determine leadership decisions related to their mutual relationship, as well as relations they have with other foreign powers, such as the United States and Russia.

The work deals with Czechoslovak-Iranian relations in the interwar period and reflects their political, cultural and in particular economic dimension. The entrepreneurial activities of Czechoslovak enterprises that managed to break into Iranian market represent the main theme of the work. The economic relations based primarily on foreign trade are examined within the context of political negotiations and the issue of expatriates. The case study explains the process of market penetration of Czechoslovak export companies into Iran and analyzes the activities of Société Iranienne Skoda within the context of factory (i.e. plant and equipment) orders and infrastructure development. The work focuses on penetration of Czechoslovak armament factories (Škodovy závody, ČKD and Zbrojovka Brno) into Iranian market. Czechoslovak export of munition became especially in the 1930s the main pillar of relations between Czechoslovakia and Iran. The export of armament into Iran comprised more than half of total Czechoslovak export into Iran.

1 Abstract The aim of this thesis is to analyze the contemporary Turkish foreign policy and to determine whether it is becoming increasingly distant from the West. To answer this question, the thesis maps and analyzes the Turkish international relations with the three main geopolitical regions of the Turkish foreign policy direction: the European Union, central Asia and the Muslim world, especially the Middle East. The direction of the Turkish foreign policy is also illustrated by the empiric part of the thesis - a quantitative event data analysis of the second half of 2012. The analysis leads to the conclusions that negotiations for accession to the European Union gives the impression that Turkey is not being invited. In central Asia Turkey promotes itself in the economic and culture areas only. The contemporary Turkish foreign policy, when Turkey increasingly identifies itself with an Islamic identity, is becoming more independent and its main focus is on the Middle East region. Turkey's ambition is to represent the whole Muslim world. Despite this fact, it cannot be said that Turkey is completely breaking away from the West. On the contrary, Turkey is now closer to the West, facing the increasing influence of Iran.

There are not many countries in the world whose relations were as turbulent as in the case of the United States of America and the Islamic Republic of Iran. Since 1979 the U.S. military, diplomatic and economic assistance towards Iran has been replaced by sanctions and hostilities. Author of the M.A. thesis On the Edge of Dependency: Iran in the Foreign Policy of the United States, 1979 - 2009 assumes that the geopolitical interests of the United States were to make Iran weak, isolated and dependent on the periphery of the world system, thus to enforce a heteronomous structure of domination. To answer the research questions the critical discourse analysis has been performed. Based on the constructivist rule-based approach and speech act theory the U.S. political elites in the process of meeting their foreign policy objectives should have been using a commissive language. The analysis of the U.S. political discourse has shown, however, the United States since 1979 strived for hierarchical structure of domination over Iran. The long-standing lack of stability in the U.S.-Iranian relations can be therefore explained that Iranian political elites reject the rules Washington has been trying to apply.