This study examined whether participants’ attributions of blame and responsibility toward a victim of domestic violence were influenced by whether or not the victim left her abuser. It also looked at whether or not educational information regarding the difficulties of leaving a violent partner would affect these attributions. Participants, all adults from the United States, either read a vignette in which a woman victim of domestic violence stayed with her abusive husband, or left him. Prior to reading the vignette, some participants were given information about the problems associated with leaving a violent partner, and some were not. All participants completed a scale measuring victim blame. No main effects of whether the victim left or whether the participant received information were found on attributions of blame, and there was not a statistically significant interaction between the victim leaving and presence of information. An interaction between whether or not the participant was a victim of domestic violence and the presence of information was found on victim blame, but further research should examine this more closely with a study specifically designed to investigate victims and their perceptions.

Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI) / Sexting has been linked to a range of sexual behaviors, including sexual assault; however, the mechanism through which sexting increases the risk for sexual assault is unknown. One explanation for the role of sexting in sexual assault could be due to gender differences in sexting and sexual communication. The current study examined men’s and women’s perceptions of sexting as a form of communicating sexual intent and sexual consent, and how sexting influences attributions of responsibility and blame in sexual encounters and alleged sexual assault. Additionally, considering the role of alcohol in sexual assault, the study also examined how both sexting and alcohol influenced individuals’ perceptions of a sexual scenario. Method:Using a factorial vignette design, N = 525 college students (48.6% women; 71% Caucasian) were randomly assigned to one of four vignettes regarding a sexual scenario between a man and woman (John and Jennifer), with sexting and/or alcohol involved. Results: Significant differences in sexting vs. texting conditions were seen for perceptions of sexual intent (F = 147.28, p< .01) and sexual consent (F = 105.86, p< .01). Men were more likely to perceive that sexual consent was exchanged (F = 9.16, p< .01) and to interpret the sext as a consent cue (F = 7.82, p< .01). John was attributed more responsibility/blame across all conditions (F = 154.58, p< .01); however, Jennifer was attributed more blame in the sexting conditions (F = 9.16, p< .01). Conclusion: Results suggest that despite sexting as a signal of sexual interest, there are differences in how men and women perceive sexting as sexual consent, which may influence the risk for sexual assault. Additionally, there are differential effects of sexting for men vs. women, such that women may be judged more harshly for sexting, suggesting evidence of the sexual double standard. Results offer important implications for sexual assault prevention and sexual gender roles.

No description available.

Intimate Partner Violence (IPV) affects approximately one in four women every year in the United States (Black et al., 2011). As a result, determining the potential implications IPV has on the victims requires extensive research and education. The manner in which a victim is responded to by others following abuse may have important implications for their adjustment following IPV. Identifying factors that contribute to the quality of responses towards victims of violence can help to inform future intervention and prevention programs; assist in decreasing mental health problems, and reduce the incidence rates of IPV. The purpose of the present study was to examine dating violence myths and victim blaming depending on severity of violence among male and female college students. A sample of 927 male (n = 222) and female (n = 705) psychology undergraduate college students were randomly assigned to receive one of four hypothetical vignettes depicting varying levels of dating violence (i.e., yelling, punching a hole in the wall, shoving, and physical assault). Respondents completed measures of perceived severity of violence presented in the vignette, victim blame, and adherence to domestic violence myths. Gender had a significant effect on severity of violence depicted in the least severe condition F(1,246) = 5.03, p = .03. Additionally, gender had a significant effect on blaming tendencies in the least severe condition F(1,238) = 9.98, p = .02. However, gender did not have a significant effect endorsement of dating violence myths a. Study findings’ implications, limitations and future directions will be discussed.

Many survivors of sexual trauma describe the forensic rape exam as a second rape (Campbell et al., 1999; Parrot, 1991). Rape crisis medical advocates (RCMAs) assist survivors through this process, a time of particular vulnerability to retraumatization (Resnick, Acierno, Holmes, Kilpatrick, & Jager, 1999), by providing emotional support, education, and advocacy for comprehensive and respectful services. Campbell (2006) stated that the primary role of the RCMA is to reduce victim-blame, or the tendency to blame the victim of a crime for the crime or the circumstances leading up to it. The literature has consistently shown that survivors who worked with RCMAs received more medical and legal services and were less likely to feel revictimized (Campbell, 2006; Resnick et al., 1999; Wasco et al., 2004), but the impact of the work on RCMAs has not been sufficiently examined. Previous research has shown that many advocates experienced anger and fear in relation to the work (Wasco & Campbell, 2002), that RCMAs who witnessed more victim-blame reported less satisfaction with the work and lower levels of affective commitment to the job (Hellman & House, 2006), and that professional counselors who worked with trauma survivors reported higher levels of vicarious trauma than those who did not (Schauben & Frazier, 1995). Other researchers have shown that counselors who worked with trauma survivors reported higher traumatic stress than those who did not, and counselors who worked with victims of sexual trauma endorsed more disruptive beliefs about self, others, and the world (Bober & Regehr, 2005). However, the appropriateness of generalizing results observed among counselors to RCMAs is unclear. The purpose of this study was to examine possible predictors of RCMAs’ experiences of vicarious trauma (VT) and vicarious post-traumatic growth (VPTG). Since a great deal of research examining the effects of trauma on care-providers focuses on individual-level contributing variables like personality style, coping skills, and history of victimization (Kelley, Schwerin, Farrar, & Lane, 2005; King, King, Fairbank, & Adams, 1998; Pearlman & Mac Ian, 1995), in this study I examined the predictive ability of several environmental/contextual/systemic variables on RCMAs ratings of VT and VPTG, including caseload, amount of formal individual and group supervision received, ratings of social community at work, meaning of the work, emotional demands of the work, and perceptions of witnessing VB by police and medical staff. One hundred and sixty-four RCMAs participated in this internet-based survey research. A series of hierarchical regression analyses demonstrated that higher ratings of VT were predicted by younger age, lower amounts of formal group supervision received, and lower ratings of the social community at work and the meaning of the work. Ratings of VPTG were significantly and positively predicted by amount of formal individual supervision received, and negatively predicted by age and educational achievement. Interpretations and recommendations are provided to assist rape crisis agencies in supporting RCMAs in their work.

The current case involves a female rape victim. Research has shown the level of victim blaming can be elevated if the victim is a lesbian woman compared to a heterosexual woman. Mock jurors’ responses to personality trait questionnaires (e.g., Belief in a Just World, Attitudes Toward Women, Attitudes Toward Lesbians) and amount of contact they have with homosexual people were employed as predictors of how they would decide victim blaming and perpetrator guilt. Personality trait findings were not good predictors; however, greater contact with homosexuals did decrease negative attitudes toward lesbian victims. Limitations and implications for future research are addressed.

The current study conducted a content analysis of newspaper articles in a Florida newspaper, the Orlando Sentinel. The study spanned across a five-year time period from 2004-2009, featuring 198 articles on domestic violence homicide. The current study is a replication of previous research conducted using the same newspaper during 1995-2000. Victim blame, tone, and descriptions of the perpetrator and victim were among several items of interest. Findings reveal a slight increase in victim blaming statements and a larger increase in positive portrayals of the victims of domestic violence homicide.

No description available.

Although all sexual assault survivors have the potential to experience victim blame, Black women and transgender survivors of sexual assault face higher rates of victim blame and discrimination than their non-minority counterparts. This increased blame may be related to stereotypes about these individuals that do not align with “real” rape victim stereotypes. To understand how minority survivors of sexual assault are stereotyped, I investigated the intelligence and promiscuity ratings of minority survivors of sexual assault compared to their non-minority counterparts. Moreover, I investigated how implicit prejudice moderated the stereotyping of survivors. Participants read crime alerts that varied the race of the survivor (Study 1) or the gender identity of the survivor (Study 2). In Study 1, participants read crime alerts describing the sexual assault of a Black woman and a White woman. In Study 2, participants read crime alerts describing the sexual assault of a transgender man, a transgender woman, and a cisgender woman. After each alert, participants indicated the extent to which they believed the sexual assault survivor was intelligent and promiscuous. Black women survivors of sexual assault were stereotyped as less intelligent, but not more promiscuous than White women survivors. Unexpectedly, transgender survivors of sexual assault were not stereotyped differently than cisgender women survivors. Finally, implicit prejudice against Black people (Study 1) or transgender people (Study 2) did not moderate the effect survivor minority status had on stereotyping. I discuss future directions in the study of stereotyping and victim blame of minority sexual assault survivors. Materials, data, and analysis code are available online at https://osf.io/79kfh/?view_only=363a6941952d461eb918119ec76ff6d4