This thesis examines the relationship between the Popular Mobilization Forces and the state in post-conflict Iraq. It critically assesses their link as mutually exploitative and derives back their agency to both actors. The concept of hybridity, to characterise a behaviour that is simultaneously cooperative and competitive, is applied to both terms of the dyad. Overcoming the Western conception of the state, the research offers to consider the Iraq as a post- Weberian system where hybrid state and non-state actors collaborate to offer an alternative political order.

This research project examines sectarianism and sectarian violence in Pakistan between 1996-2005. It represents a departure from the security-focused research on sectarianism and provides contemporary analysis of sectarian violence by contextualising it. This thesis distinguishes sectarianism as an analytical concept from sectarianism as a phenomenon in Pakistan. The existing literature on sectarianism and sectarianism in the Pakistani context is critically examined, and this research is located within that body of knowledge. In this thesis, sectarian violence is understood as being conducted to reproduce and reinforce exclusivist sectarian discourse. This premise is analysed through the framework of identity formation and identity politics, and spatial understandings of identities. The study examines the locations of sectarian violence in Pakistan, and analyses the spaces where sectarian identity discourse is enforced and maintained through violence. Consequently, the concept of sacred space and sacred time are analysed as locations of sectarian violence. The contestations of public space by competing identity discourses, and the spatial manifestations of those competing identities are analysed. This dissertation also attempts to draw out whether sectarian violence is only located within and through the organised sectarian groups, or whether the sectarian violence indicates wider fault lines in the Pakistani society.

This research project examines sectarianism and sectarian violence in Pakistan between 1996-2005. It represents a departure from the security-focused research on sectarianism and provides contemporary analysis of sectarian violence by contextualising it. This thesis distinguishes sectarianism as an analytical concept from sectarianism as a phenomenon in Pakistan. The existing literature on sectarianism and sectarianism in the Pakistani context is critically examined, and this research is located within that body of knowledge. In this thesis, sectarian violence is understood as being conducted to reproduce and reinforce exclusivist sectarian discourse. This premise is analysed through the framework of identity formation and identity politics, and spatial understandings of identities. The study examines the locations of sectarian violence in Pakistan, and analyses the spaces where sectarian identity discourse is enforced and maintained through violence. Consequently, the concept of sacred space and sacred time are analysed as locations of sectarian violence. The contestations of public space by competing identity discourses, and the spatial manifestations of those competing identities are analysed. This dissertation also attempts to draw out whether sectarian violence is only located within and through the organised sectarian groups, or whether the sectarian violence indicates wider fault lines in the Pakistani society.

Rather than separating moral and political virtue through reason of state, the Pax Romana presents a sophisticated moral-political vision of the interrelationships between cosmology, memory, founding, violence, and freedom. Nevertheless, its complex integrative vision is also perilous to humanity, demanding a morality of forbearing the adverse consequences of endless cycles of political violence. Pax Gandhiana presents an alternative integrative vision engaging many of the same concerns as the Romans, such as cosmos, ubiquitous violence, and freedom. By contrast, however, its political vision demands forbearing the adverse consequences of repudiating as opposed to embracing the ubiquity of violence in the cosmos. Hence, Pax Romana and Pax Gandhiana rest on closely related but ultimately very different political visions. Consistent with Gandhi, my objective in this article is to show how the Romans provide us with an object lesson in why we should repudiate such violence, as guaranteeing our downfall into misery, chaos, and even madness.