Planning, specifically resource management, is an activity of the state which should seek to reflect the values of the people. However, in New Zealand, only the values of the dominant Pakeha culture have traditionally been considered by decision makers. As a result, resource management in New Zealand has developed as a monocultural institution. This thesis addresses the issue of monoculturalism in New Zealand�s planning regime. The aims of this thesis are twofold: (1) to examine the argument that New Zealand�s planning is monocultural, and has traditionally ignored the needs and aspirations of Maori; and (2) to examine the current resource management system in New Zealand in order to establish the basis for a bicultural approach to planning. These aims were addressed in two principal ways. First, a critical review of literature provided comprehensive background on the relationship between Western and non-Western cultures. Second, in depth interviews were held with both Maori and non-Maori involved in resource management structures. Data from these interviews illustrate Maori opinion on the current resource management system in New Zealand. The thesis concludes that biculturalism is the only legitimate structure for state policy in New Zealand. This conclusion is based primarily on the relationship established between the indigenous Maori and the Pakeha settlers through the Treaty of Waitangi. This study also found that the current resource management regime in New Zealand is incapable of supporting a bicultural resource management approach. Radical reforms are needed in order to facilitate bicultural planning. The thesis concludes by proposing changes to the current regime which will facilitate a bicultural approach to New Zealand planning.

That a Maori problem existed in the North Island in the 1850�s and 1860�s, the inhabitants, both Maori and Pakeha agreed, but beyond that point there was very little agreement. What was the nature of the problem? Definitions were conflicting. Most Maoris saw the problem as one of survival, political and cultural, in their encounter with a foreign civilization determined upon their subjugation. They looked to the King Movement to prevent the European takeover which they apprehended would destroy their, independence and way of life. To the average colonist, on the other hand, the problem represented the Maoris themselves: their very existence in the country which he had come to settle; their claimed ownership of the land which he wanted to farm; their inconvenient (to him) system of land tenure, which rendered purchase difficult; their ignorance and disregard of the laws and customs which governed his society. The solution, in his view, was to detribalize the Maoris, make them obedient to his rule, and individualize or partition their communally owned land in order to facilitate his gaining possession of it. He desired colonial control of native affairs so that such a policy might be put into effect, but was unwilling to assume full responsibility lest Britain should leave the colony to bear the entire burden of its own defence against the potentially hostile tribes. The Ministers of the Imperial Government were concerned with yet other aspects of the same problem - observing the Treaty of Waitangi and protecting the Queen�s Maori subjects from injustice without obstructing the progress of colonization; keeping the peace between two cultural groups whose interests were often antagonistic; upholding British law and sovereignty. A difficult enough task, but one rendered still more difficult by the growing reluctance of the British taxpayer to foot the bill. Finally, the Governor, the man who had to find some way to resolve these conflicting aims and desires, faced his own particular dilemmas. How much responsibility should he accept for native affairs? How much control should he allow the Colonial Ministry to arrogate to itself. What interpretation should he place on the Treaty of Waitangi with respect to the rights of chiefs and the sovereignty of the Queen? By what means could he "civilize" the Maoris and bring about their assimilation into colonial society? Should he impose or persuade, legislate, educate, or conquer by force of arms? How was he to obtain the finance and power necessary to carry out any policy successfully? This thesis is an attempt to survey the many facets of a cultural and political relationship under stress and to examine, explain and comment upon the plans and attempts of various groups and individual leaders to adjust that relationship to coincide with their own conception of what was necessary and right -- Preface.

The Treaty of Waitangi specifically recognises the rights of Maori to control and manage their fisheries resources. However, since the imposition of fisheries legislation in New Zealand, this right has been consistently eroded. It is only recently that Maori customary fisheries rights have been given a degree of recognition in New Zealand�s fisheries management regime. The taiapure provisions of the Fisheries Act 1996 are one of the few policy initiatives available for Maori to manage their fisheries resources in accordance with their customary tikanga. This study examines the effectiveness of the taiapure legislation in providing for Maori customary fisheries management. The Maketu taiapure in the Bay of Plenty is studied to analyse the implementation of the initiative at the local level. The study has found that there are limitations inherent in the legislation and that these are further complicated by inadequacies in its implementation. Recommendations regarding the size, management and establishment process, are made at the conclusion of the study to highlight the amendments needed for the taiapure provisions to properly recognise and provide for the role of Maori, as Treaty partners, in the management of their local fisheries.

This study is an attempt to interrogate the shared terrain of academic Maori Studies, Treaty of Waitangi praxis (where �praxis� is defined as the practical use of reason and the resonable use of practice - in contrast to purely theoretical activity) and the University system in this country. In this wide ranging �interrogation�, I will employ a dialectical method of analysis where each of the major Articles of the Treaty are assigned a particular �role� in the Thesis because it represents the central �University� or Kawanatanga Problematic; that Article 2 (Tino Rangatiratanga-Chieftainship) is the Antithesis because it represents the �Maori� contradiction or the Tino Rangatiratanga Mandate; and that Article 3 (Kotahitanga-Unity and Association) is the Synthesis because it represents Treaty Praxis� or the Kotahitanga Solution. This study (like the Treaty) has been organised into five appropriate Parts: Part A (The Preamble) provides the overture for the study, and, as such, contextualises the methodological framework and theoretical paradigms in, on and around which the rest of the study is located. Part B (The Kawanatanga Problematic) will attempt to articulate the struggle of Maori Studies in academia by problematising Kawanatanga (as is the case in most of the scholarship on this critical aspect of the Treaty). Part C (The Tino Rangatiratanga Mandate) will outline three major neglected areas of Tino Rangatiratanga in academia: such as the agency of Maori staff, students and communities; and the status of language and of knowledge taonga (treasures). Part D (The Kotahitanga Solution) will attempt to synthesise Treaty praxis within the debate by outlining and evaluating a number of Treaty principles and examples. Part E (Post-Script) will summarise the personified (signatory) aspects of the study and will also attempt to articulate a possible future for Maori Studies. It is hoped that the analytical framework employed in this study and will also attempt to articulate a possible future for Maori Studies. It is hoped that the analytical framework employed in this study will assist in clarfying (i) the nature of the struggle of a �minority-culture� subject (Maori Studies) within (ii) a �majority-culture� institution (the University), and (iii) the promise of bicultural synthesis (or Treaty praxis) as a means of mediating this struggle. It is also hoped that this thesis will be a contribution to that ongoing debate.

Thesis (MEducation)--University of South Australia, 2001.

The focus of this research is the construction of a shared vision for the environment. Specifically, the purpose of this research was to examine the construction of shared vision between different rhetorical communities for the Lake Omapere Restoration Project. In this investigation, I applied Bormann's (1972; 1983) symbolic convergence theory to the communication processes of the Resource Management Act (1991). The intended outcome of this research was to gain further understanding of the communication processes in place within the Resource Management Act 1991 in order to foster a more holistic, bicultural approach for the development of Aotearoa New Zealand*. My premise was that shared understanding through storytelling could be a useful tool for producing equitable bicultural environmental decisions. This research is concerned with how that shared vision is created rhetorically. It is based on the theoretical understanding that language constructs people's social reality (Escobar, 1996; Pearce, 1989). The literature review established that people make sense of the material world through language, deep emotional connection to the land and decision-making processes. This discussion of the different ways people come to view the material world provided the background for the central research question. The primary research question that guided the investigation was how do different rhetorical communities construct shared vision for the environment? In order to answer this question data were collected using archival records retrieved from the Northland Regional Council. The analysis of the data involved the application of Bormann's (1972; 1983) symbolic convergence theory to the construction of shared vision for the polluted condition of Lake Omapere in Northland. The fantasy theme analysis of the texts revealed two fantasy themes personifying Lake Omapere: first, the story of the dying lake, followed by second fantasy theme of the salvation of the lake. These two fantasy themes provided the rhetorical ground for the evolution of shared rhetorical vision for the restoration of the wellbeing of Lake Omapere. Following Bormann (1972; 1983), the study showed that symbolic convergence theory accounts for the irrational as well as rational aspects of positive collaborative action for the environment. This research has contributed to knowledge by showing that Bormann's (1972; 1983) symbolic convergence theory is a useful framework for explaining the process by which different rhetorical communities construct shared vision. The fantasy theme analysis approach was specifically designed for this research. Burke's (1966) "hexed" pentad was used in the initial stages of analysis to determine the elements of the fantasy themes. This study showed that construction of shared vision encompasses at least three forms of communication: consciousness creating, raising and sustaining. The study also contributed further questions as to the nature of the resulting shared vision. This study shows that the democratic dialogue that is produced from sharing stories can result in justice. The emergence of shared vision produced a new reality and an altered worldview where kaitiakitanga** has become a crucial focus for the future of Lake Omapere. The restoration of the wellbeing of Lake Omapere through establishing kaitiakitanga is now a rhetorical reality and will shape future decisions made regarding the management and restoration of the lake. The implications involved with incorporating the indigenous spiritual relational perspectives in legislation are a crucial concern for environmental decision-making both locally and internationally and further application of symbolic convergence theory research in this area is recommended.* Aotearoa New Zealand combines both the Māori and English names and is used in this thesis to acknowledge the bicultural intention of environment resource management.** Stewardship.

The sense of crisis that marks our times may be seen as a crisis for dominant groups whose once-secure hegemony is being challenged by marginalised others. It is in theorising the reply from the dominant group to the voices of the oppressed that existing Western conceptions of social change fall silent. The dominant Pakeha group in Aotearoa New Zealand has used discourses of benign colonisation and harmonious race relations to resist 165 years of communication from indigenous Māori about their oppression and a dishonoured treaty for settlement. My research documents the appearance of the Treaty of Waitangi into the Pakeha consciousness, and the now 30 year-long response by a Pakeha antiracism movement to educate their own cultural group about its agreements. Targeting government, community and social services organisations, activist educators used Freire's (1975) approach of conscientising dialogue to present a more critical view of colonisation, and to encourage participants to consider the complicity of their organisations in ongoing structural and cultural racism. Based on my membership of local and national networks of activist educators, I was able to organise and facilitate data gathering from three sources to investigate processes of Pakeha change in: (i) unpublished material describing the antiracism and Treaty movement's historical theorising and strategies over 30 years, (ii) a country-wide process of co-theorising among contemporary Treaty educator groups about their work and perceived influence, and (iii) a collection of organisational accounts of Treaty-focused change. The collected records confirmed that a coherent anti-colonial discourse, which I have termed 'Pakeha honouring the Treaty', was in use to construct institutional and constitutional changes in non-government organisations. My interpretation of key elements in a local theory of transforming action included emotional responses to counter-cultural information, collective work for cultural and institutional change and practising a mutually agreed relationship with Māori. I concluded that these emotional, collective and relationship processes in dominant group change were crucial in helping to construct the new conceptual resources of 'affirming Māori authority' and 'striving towards a right relationship with Māori'. These counter-colonial constructions allowed Pakeha a non-resistant and facilitative response to Māori challenge, and enabled a dialogue with Māori about decolonisation. By examining in one research programme the genealogy and interdependencies of a new discourse, my research contributes to theorising about the production of new, counter-hegemonic discourses, and confirms the crucial part played by social movements in developing new, liberatory constructions of the social order. My research calls for further theory-building on (i) emotional and spiritual aspects of transformational learning, (ii) processes involved in consciously-undertaken cultural change by dominant/coloniser groups, and (iii) practising of mutually agreed relationships with indigenous peoples by dominant/coloniser groups. My research has implications for theorising how coloniser and dominant groups generally may participate in liberatory social change and decolonisation work, and the part played by the Western states in the global struggles by indigenous people for recognition of their world-views and aspirations. It remains to be seen whether counter-colonial discourses and organisational changes aimed at 'honouring the Treaty' with indigenous peoples will be sufficiently widely adopted to help transform Western dominating cultures and colonial projects. In the meantime, acknowledging and documenting these counter-colonial discourses and their constructions opens up increasing possibilities for constructing, from a history of colonisation, a different future.

Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Waikato, 2007. / Title from PDF cover (viewed April 3, 2009) Includes bibliographical references (p. 303-317)

This thesis is a study of Waitaha, a Bay of Plenty iwi that has been marginalized through the loss of most of its land, much of its language, tikanga, and mana. The purpose of the work is to communicate, through the 'voice' and the history of the people, a chronicle, of their alienation to a Pākehā audience that remains in large part ignorant and distant from their plight. The thesis is motivated by an academic responsibility to the Treaty of Waitangi and the lack of understanding to the present needs of Māori as evidenced for example, by the support for the January 2004 Orewa speech, by the leader of the National Party, Don Brash. It is predicated upon the understanding that this response, which minimalises the impact of colonization upon Māori, is constructed by many, through a convenience of distance. It is motivated also on the understanding that most Pākehā who now inhabit the rohe of Waitaha, are completely ignorant of the identity of tangata whenua. It is hoped that the presentation of the Waitaha story, will provoke a greater empathy from Pākehā, and thereby facilitate an environment, whereby grievances can be addressed in an environment of greater understanding. The thesis is a qualitative based research exercise, carried out in consultation with kaumātua and other Waitaha members, and attempts to acknowledge and integrate current kaupapa Māori epistemologies with traditional Western academic methodology. The study uses interviews, Waitangi Tribunal evidence, and other historical references to construct a narrative that conveys something of the 'voice' of Waitaha. Specifically, it outlines a chronology of Waitaha settlement, followed by a description of their encounter with Pākehā, the consequent alienation of the majority of their lands by the Crown, and concludes, with a glimpse into the current circumstance of Manoeka, the papakainga of Waitaha.

None available