Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Missouri-Columbia, 2004. / Typescript. Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 252-265). Also available on the Internet.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Missouri-Columbia, 2004. / Typescript. Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 252-265). Also available on the Internet.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Chicago, Dept. of Political Science, December 2000. / Includes bibliographical references. Also available on the Internet.

Orientador: Rodrigo Duarte Fernandes dos Passos / Resumo: Este trabalho busca analisar o terrorismo a partir das contribuições de um dos maiores estudiosos da guerra, Carl von Clausewitz. O aumento de conflitos entre atores não Estatais das últimas décadas fomentou a ideia do surgimento de “novas guerras”, indo além da guerra regular, entre Estados; com isso, o terrorismo passou a ser equalizado à guerra, principalmente, após os atentados de 11 de setembro. Discute-se, então, como o pensamento de Clausewitz pode contribuir nessa reflexão, de modo a compreender que guerra e terrorismo são ambos fenômenos políticos, mas que não podem ser equalizados, visto a incongruência entre as suas várias manifestações, sobretudo aquela inaugurada em 2001, bem como a sua própria conceituação e a teorização clausewitziana sobre a guerra. Para tal, o texto parte de uma abordagem histórica, recorrendo à discussão da teoria da guerra do autor, seguido de um estudo sobre o terrorismo desde a época do Terror Jacobino Francês até o momento pós-11 de setembro, para, enfim, avaliar o alcance do terrorismo como fenômeno de guerra e político. Sendo assim, diante da relevância do pensamento de Clausewitz e o fato de não haver uma produção literária densa dedicada especificamente a esse problema de pesquisa é que este trabalho apresenta sua relevância ao tema. / Abstract: This work aims to analyze terrorism from the contributions of one of the greatest scholars of war, Carl von Clausewitz. The rise of conflicts between non-State actors in recent decades has fostered the idea of the emergence of "new wars", going beyond the regular war between states; as a result, terrorism became equalized to war, especially after the 9/11 attacks. It is then discussed how Clausewitz's thought can contribute to this reflection in order to understand that war and terrorism are both political phenomena, but cannot be equalized, because of the incongruity between their various manifestations, especially that one inaugurated in 2001, as well as its own conceptualization and the Clausewitzian theorization about war. To fulfill this idea the text proceeds from a historical approach, using the discussion of the author's war theory, followed by a study on terrorism since the time of the French Jacobean Terror until the post-September 11 moment, to finally evaluate the scope of terrorism as a phenomenon of war and politics. Therefore, taking count the relevance of Clausewitz’s thought and the fact that there is no dense literary production dedicated specifically to this research problem, this work presents its relevance to the theme. / Mestre

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, San Diego, 2000. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 285-311).

Thesis (M.A.) - Carleton University, 2007. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 167-173). Also available in electronic format on the Internet.

Thesis (B.A.)--University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, 2004. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 173-205). Also available via the World Wide Web. http://www.pol.uiuc.edu/news/largio%5Fthesis.pdf

This thesis examines the relationship between ethnicity and violent group mobilisation in Liberia’s civil war (1989-2003). It focuses on Gio, Mano and Mandingo mobilisation to investigate how and why internal dynamics about moral norms and expectations motivated leadership calls for violence and ethnic support. Much of the existing literature interprets popular involvement in violent group mobilisation on the Upper Guinea Coast as a youth rebellion against gerontocracy. I argue that such an approach is incomplete in the Liberian case, and does not account for questions of ethnic mobilisation and the participation of groups such as the Gio, Mano and Mandingo. At the onset of hostilities, civilians in Liberia were not primarily mobilised to fight based on their age, but rather as members of ethnic communities whose membership included different age groups. I explore constructivist approaches to ethnicity to analyse mobilisation for war as the collective 'self-defence' of ethnic groups qua moral communities. In the prelude to the outbreak of civil war, inter-ethnic inequalities of access to the state and economic resources became reconfigured. Ethnic groups—as moral communities—experienced external 'victimisation' and a sense of internal dissolution, or threatened dissolution. In particular, the understanding of internal reciprocal relations between patrons and clients within ethnic groups was undermined. Internal arguments about morality, personal responsibility, social accountability/justice, increased the pressure on excluded elites and thus incentivised them to pursue violent political strategies. Mobilisation took on an ethnic form mainly because individuals believed that they were fighting to protect the moral communities that generate esteem and ground understandings of good citizenship. Therefore, ethnic participation in the Liberian countryside differed from the model peasant rebellion that seeks to overthrow the feudal elites. Rather than a revolution of the social order, individuals regarded themselves as protecting an extant ethnic order that provided rights and distributed resources. Even though some individuals fought for political power and resources, and external actors facilitated group organisation through the provision of logistical support, the violence was also an expression of bottom-up moral community crisis and an attempt by politico-military elites to keep their reputation and enforce unity.