Thesis (M.A.A.S.) -- Air University, 2004. / Title from PDF title page (viewed on April 24, 2009). "June 2004." Includes abstract. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 85-91).

Thesis (M.A.) - Carleton University, 2005. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 134-140). Also available in electronic format on the Internet.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Georgetown University, 2008. / Includes bibliographical references.

Thesis (MMAS)--Command and General Staff College (CGSC), 2006. / AD-A451 259. Includes bibliographical references.

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No / Pakistan's Directorate of Inter-Service Intelligence [ISI] plays an ambiguous role in the War on Terrorism. An important ally for Western intelligence with whom it has very close links, the ISI also has a long history of involvement in supporting and promoting terrorism in the name of Pakistan's geostrategic interests. This article explores the nature of the ISI and its aims and objectives in the post-9/11 era. It argues that the focus of the ISI's actions are to shore up Pakistan's ruling elite and to destabilize Pakistan's enemies by the promotion of Sunni Islamism at home and of pan-Islamist jihad abroad. The ISI's strategy, however, deeply conflicts with that of the West, a point underlined by the resurgence of Al Qaeda and the Taliban almost six years after the War on Terrorism began. With grave new trends evident in Pakistan, reliance on the ISI is failing and a Western rethink of its intelligence strategy toward Pakistan is now imperative.

This paper aimed at analysing what was South Africa's response to its international obligations regarding the 9/11 events and how does such response comply with the country's constitutional framework. This study gave a brief outline of the most significant legislative changes in a number of countries and then concentrate on the South African anti-terrorism legislation. It identified the provisions of the Act that have been discussed most controversial throughout the drafting process and analysed whether they comply with constitutional standards. Particular emphasis was laid on the possible differences between the South African Act and comparative legislation that derive directly from the apartheid history of the country.

Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited / This thesis explains the military relationship between the United States and Pakistan in the context of their divergent national security interests. During the Cold War, U.S. concerns focused on the global contest between democracy and communism. In this competition, Pakistan was seen as an important ally. However, Pakistan viewed India as its primary threat and considered global ideological concerns as secondary in importance. At times, each country benefited from the other, but neither ever fully met the other's most important needs. The United States did not support Pakistan in its wars with India and Pakistan did not confront communism except to help oust Afghani governments non-compliant with Pakistan's interests. Pakistan's military held power for more than half of Pakistan's existence and became the U.S.' key ally in South Asia. Pakistan's pursuit of nuclear weapons distanced U.S. relations in the post-Cold War environment. The terrorist attacks of 11 September 2001 catapulted Pakistan's importance as an ally but at the cost of supporting a military regime and the erosion of a democratic government in Pakistan. This thesis argues that Pakistan's military now shares a relationship with the United States that builds regional stability but which may also hold political consequences in the United States. / Major, United States Marine Corps

L'action du Conseil de sécurité dans le cadre de la lutte contre le terrorisme a témoigné un énorme progrès. Ce progrès est matérialisé sur le double aspect normatif et institutionnel, engendrant une diversification des mécanismes de la lutte. La nécessité de le définir semble être dépassée au gré de son éradication et sa suppression vue sa mutation graduelle à travers le temps et la montée en puissance de ses acteurs. Le Conseil de sécurité des Nations Unies concentre son action sur les mécanismes de la lutte en accroissant son pouvoir normatif vers un pouvoir législatif le conférant des prérogatives considérables. Ensuite, dans le cadre institutionnel de l'ONU, il monopolise la mission du maintenir la paix et la sécurité internationales, en rendant l'activité de l'Assemblée générale résiduelle et facultative. Ce regain de ses prérogatives s'est reflété au sein des organes subsidiaires qu'il a mis en place, surtout après le 11 septembre 2001. L'amplification des mécanismes de la lutte contre le terrorisme s'est représentée, également, dans le cadre de la résurgence des concepts fondamentaux en droit international comme la légitime défense qui mettra en cause le concept de sécurité collective prévu vers la Charte par des ripostes militaires unilatérales dans l'objectif de lutte contre le terrorisme international / In his fight against terrorism, the action of Security Council has witnessed an enormous progress. This progress was seen on both normative and institutional aspects leading towards a diversification of the counter terrorism mechanisms. The necessity of its definition seems be bypassed on the benefit of its eradication and suppression especially because of its gradual mutation and the highly powers given to its perpetrators. The United Nations Security Council concentrates its effort, in the mechanisms of counter terrorism, by increasing its normative powers towards a legislative one by gaining considerable prerogatives. On the institutional aspect, the Security Council has monopolized the maintain of international peace and security task, by giving the General Assembly a residual and facultative role. This power regaining is reflected on his ability to create subsidiary organs, especially after the 11th of September 2001. The amplification of the counter terrorism mechanisms was materialized by the submergence of old and fundamental aspects in international public law such as the concept of self-defense. A concept that will jeopardize the collective security system when States will unilaterally will use military force in their counter terrorism quest.

The cruelty of Military Police guards at Abu Ghraib prison contributed to American shame and questions regarding how such cruelty emerges. The accepted approach of "situational attribution theory" - based upon Zimbardo's (1973, 2007) social psychological perceptions and results of the Stanford Prison Experiment - proposed that personality or "disposition" has little role in the emergence of such cruelty. Termed "institutional cruelty," this manuscript presents the possibility that understandings and preventive measures afforded by situational attribution theory can be extended via acknowledgement of a greater role played by disposition. Psychoanalytic and object relations approaches are presented to this end. The manuscript addresses the most puzzling characteristics of institutional cruelty: 1) rapidity of onset, taking days or, at most, weeks for initial expression, 2) emergence in ordinary, normal individuals, and 3) emergence in the "mock" situation of the Stanford Prison Experiment. Criminological, organizational culture, and social psychological theories are explored for their application to institutional cruelty. / by Paul Hofacker. / Thesis (M.S.)--Florida Atlantic University, 2010. / Includes bibliography and footnotes. / Electronic reproduction. Boca Raton, Fla., 2010. Mode of access: World Wide Web.