Thesis (M.Hous.M.)--University of Hong Kong, 1998. / Includes bibliographical references. Also available in print.

M.Sc., Faculty of Science, University of the Witwatersrand, 2011 / Retirement adequacy targets provide an indication as to how much wealth is needed at retirement to provide for an adequate retirement income. These targets have design and strategy implications for social security systems and retirement funds and can be used by individuals to assess their preparedness for retirement. The primary aim of this research was to estimate retirement adequacy targets for one- and two-adult households from Statistics South Africa’s Income and Expenditure Survey 2005/2006. Retirement adequacy targets were expressed as wealth-earnings ratios, defined as the multiple of salary at retirement required for a comfortably adequate retirement. The targets would be sufficient to provide for the higher of the preretirement lifestyle or subsistence living. An important subsidiary aim was to examine consumption behaviour at and in retirement. Non-healthcare consumption was not found to change at retirement if income levels remained at pre-retirement levels. For certain households, healthcare expenditure may increase on retirement and may be funded from the contributions to retirement savings that are no longer required in retirement. The retirement adequacy targets decreased with retirement age but there was not a clear relationship between retirement savings rates and the targets. Retirement adequacy targets decreased with income but were complex functions of household composition, sex of the head of the household, type of settlement, age, home ownership and the retirement savings rate. Where household members retired at different times, the earnings of the younger person during the semi-retirement phase reduced the targets substantially. The retirement adequacy targets estimated implied that the replacement ratio targets used by retirement funds and those suggested in the literature would not provide an adequate retirement income for most households. The results may thus have a significant impact on retirement planning in the future.

Currently the competition of Taiwan bank wealth management has reached the climax. There might be hidden risk from this rush. In this highly competitive environment on growth and profit pursuing, the problems of the performance evaluation system, such as low employee stability and lack of product segments for the customers of M shaped society, result in further challenges, specially the aggressive action of private bank on big customers. Besides, the organization flexibility would affect the future of the bank herself. The study is based on the organization culture and the Resource-Based competitive advantage of the foreign bank as the company advantage to modify the organization strategy, to higher employee stability and to enhance customer relationship. The study uses RBV as research method by analyzing the resource of the customers, the employees and the banks to understand the advantage of the wealth management in foreign bank and how the bank stays sustainable operation because of the resource accumulating. Furthermore, from the result of RBV, we can understand how the bank can strengthen continuously the existing resource advantages and affect the employees and customers.

Using permanent income life-cycle theory, I analyze the effects of liquidity constraints on the household’s ability to smooth life time consumption due to a change in housing and stock market wealth. Using data from the Canadian national accounts and chartered bank balance sheets I test if improved access to housing wealth due to fundamental shifts to the banking industry in the 1980s has lowered liquidity constraints and improved the household’s ability to smooth consumption.

The purpose of this study is to examine the relationship between wealth, wealth inequality and health. The study has a cross-national focus and employs a political economy perspective, which addresses the macro-political determinants of health. The dissertation is comprised of two sets of analyses. In Part 1, logistic regression analyses confirm that wealth, whether measured as home ownership, the value of the home, or net worth, is a significant predictor of self-rated health in the United Kingdom, the United States, and Germany. The relationship between wealth and self-rated health is weakest in Germany. Case studies of the three countries indicate that this weaker relationship may be linked to more generous welfare state provisions in Germany. In Part 2, bivariate analyses reveal that wealth inequality, whether measured as the Gini coefficient or the share of wealth held by the richest 10% of the population, is related to poorer population health outcomes in developed countries. Both unweighted and weighted correlations are strong and significant, even after controlling for a variety of potential macro-level confounders. The results are strongest for female life expectancy and infant mortality. In-depth analysis of the countries with the most equitable distribution of wealth and the best health outcomes reveals several themes: high rates of home ownership, relatively generous pensions, stronger regulatory frameworks, taxation of wealth, increased social expenditures in recent years, and social cohesion. The results of this dissertation suggest that wealth is an axis of inequality that deserves far more attention from sociologists, particularly in relation to population health. Relying on income alone to describe inequality and form public policy is inadequate for understanding and addressing the economic and health circumstances of individuals and families. The inclusion of wealth in sociological studies of health disparities will result in a more accurate picture of social stratification, and will result in better informed social policy. Finally, the use of a political economy framework allows us to better understand, and potentially change, the political and economic processes through which the distribution of both wealth and health occurs.

This thesis explores the proposition that to comprehend William Shakespeare better in his social and creative contexts one has to understand both his and his family’s money - where it came from and where it went. The Shakespearian mythos posits that John Shakespeare came penniless to Stratford where he did well in business before losing his wealth. Thereafter, his son William went to London, wrote plays which made him rich and then made a number of investments in Stratford. Among the various errors in this statement there is one that stands out - the “rich” part. It is not simply the fact that he made the investments - his house New Place, land, tithes etc. are well documented - it is when he made them that is of significance. The bulk of the Shakespeare family investments were made before William became part owner of the Globe or Blackfriars theatres. This evaluation has focused on the tangible data from the period, chiefly legal and financial records. Its conclusions challenge many pre-existing notions of how money flowed into the Early Modern Theatre and into William Shakespeare’s pockets. The fable is that young Will Shakespeare, like the pantomime Dick Whittington, left his poverty-stricken family, walked to London and won his fortune. In neither case was this true. The Early Modern theatre in London was brutally commercial and the aim was the acquisition of wealth more than the pursuit of art. For William Shakespeare, Pope put it neatly Shakespeare (whom you and every playhouse bill Style the divine! the matchless! what you will), For gain, not glory, wing’d his roving flight, And grew immortal in his own despite. This thesis provides the evidence to dismiss many of the fantasies that surround William and John Shakespeare’s by replacing these with a clear financial picture of the sources and acquisition of their wealth.

The purpose of this study is to examine the relationship between wealth, wealth inequality and health. The study has a cross-national focus and employs a political economy perspective, which addresses the macro-political determinants of health. The dissertation is comprised of two sets of analyses. In Part 1, logistic regression analyses confirm that wealth, whether measured as home ownership, the value of the home, or net worth, is a significant predictor of self-rated health in the United Kingdom, the United States, and Germany. The relationship between wealth and self-rated health is weakest in Germany. Case studies of the three countries indicate that this weaker relationship may be linked to more generous welfare state provisions in Germany. In Part 2, bivariate analyses reveal that wealth inequality, whether measured as the Gini coefficient or the share of wealth held by the richest 10% of the population, is related to poorer population health outcomes in developed countries. Both unweighted and weighted correlations are strong and significant, even after controlling for a variety of potential macro-level confounders. The results are strongest for female life expectancy and infant mortality. In-depth analysis of the countries with the most equitable distribution of wealth and the best health outcomes reveals several themes: high rates of home ownership, relatively generous pensions, stronger regulatory frameworks, taxation of wealth, increased social expenditures in recent years, and social cohesion. The results of this dissertation suggest that wealth is an axis of inequality that deserves far more attention from sociologists, particularly in relation to population health. Relying on income alone to describe inequality and form public policy is inadequate for understanding and addressing the economic and health circumstances of individuals and families. The inclusion of wealth in sociological studies of health disparities will result in a more accurate picture of social stratification, and will result in better informed social policy. Finally, the use of a political economy framework allows us to better understand, and potentially change, the political and economic processes through which the distribution of both wealth and health occurs.

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Unstable times have been with mankind since recorded history began, markedly so since September 11th 2001, and its effects on the financial markets have led to substantial loss of wealth, especially for wealthy families. The wealth of these families is widespread: it often contains a family business at its heart, and includes property and portfolio assets as well as art collections and other important assets, often spread over many jurisdictions. Advisors can help or hinder the wealth preservation efforts of wealthy families. / Thesis (DBA(DoctorateofBusinessAdministration))--University of South Australia, 2005.