Thesis (M.A.)--Baylor University, 2006. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 152-164).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Missouri-Columbia, 1997. / Typescript. Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 290-303). Also available on the Internet.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Missouri-Columbia, 1997. / Typescript. Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 290-303). Also available on the Internet.

Zugl.: Benediktbeuern, Philos.-Theol. Hochsch., Diss., 2008

Thesis (M.A.)--University of Missouri-Columbia, 2007. / The entire dissertation/thesis text is included in the research.pdf file; the official abstract appears in the short.pdf file (which also appears in the research.pdf); a non-technical general description, or public abstract, appears in the public.pdf file. Title from title screen of research.pdf file (viewed on October 25, 2007) Includes bibliographical references.

<p>Abstract</p> <p>In 1871, during the Franco-Prussian War, the Parisian workers revolted against the bourgeois government and established the Paris Commune. Extolling it as the first workers' government, classical Marxist writers took it as an exemplary--though embryonic-- model of the dictatorship of the proletariat. The principles of the Paris Commune, according to Marx, lay in that "the working class cannot simply lay hold of the ready-made state machinery, and wield it for its own purposes." General elections and the abolishment of a standing army were regarded by classical Marxist writers as defining features of the organ of power established in the Paris Commune. After the defeat of the Paris Commune, the Marxist interpretation of the Commune was widely propagated throughout the world, including in China.</p> <p>20th century China has been rich with experiences of Commune-type theories and practices. At the end of 1966 and the beginning of 1967, inspired by the Maoist theory of continuous revolution and the vision of a Commune-type state structure, the rebel workers in Shanghai, together with rebellious students and revolutionary party cadres and leaders, took the bold initiative to overthrow the old power structure from below. On Feb.5, 1967, the Shanghai workers established the Shanghai Commune modeled upon the Paris Commune. This became known as the January Storm. After Mao's death in 1976, the communist party and government in China has rewritten history, attacking the Cultural Revolution. And the Shanghai Commune has barely been mentioned in China, let alone careful evaluation and in-depth study. This dissertation attempts to recover this lost yet crucial history by exploring in historical detail the origin, development and supersession of the Shanghai Commune. Examining the role of different mass organizations during the January Storm in Shanghai, I attempt to offer a full picture of the Maoist mass movement based on the theory of continuous revolution. Disagreeing with some critics' arguments that the Shanghai Commune was a negation of the party-state, I argue that it neither negated the party nor the state. Instead, the Shanghai Commune embodied the seeds of a novel state structure that empowers the masses by relegating some of the state power to mass representatives and mass organs. Differing from the common narrative and most scholarship in the post-Mao era, I argue that the commune movement in the beginning of 1967 facilitated revolutionary changes in Chinese society and state structure. The Shanghai Commune and the Shanghai Revolutionary Committee developed as ruling bodies that did not hold general elections or abolish the standing army and in this way did not replicate the Paris Commune. But in contrast to the old Shanghai organs of power, they were largely in conformity with the principles of the Paris Commune by smashing the Old and establishing the New. Some of their creative measures, "socialist new things", anticipated the features of a communal state -a state that does not eradicate class struggle yet begins to initiate the long process of the withering away of the state itself.</p> / Dissertation

Cette thèse a pour but d’analyser l’engagement institutionnel de l’Église catholique et des groupes pentecôtistes sur le terrain politique et agraire du Brésil à partir de l’organisation de la Conférence nationale des évêques du Brésil (CNBB) en 1952. Nous discutons la façon dont l’Église catholique commence la lutte d’abord pour « alphabétiser » et « rapprocher » ses fidèles perdus par l’idéologie socialiste développée par les ligues paysannes, puis pour empêcher l’accroissement du front communiste dans les campagnes. L’engagement social de l’Église catholique n’est pas désintéressé car les militaires brésiliens, avec l’aide américaine, déclarent le « coup d’État » en 1964. L’Église catholique brésilienne se divise en deux pôles, progressiste et conservateur. Le côté progressiste de la théologie de la libération se voit empêché et interdit par Rome. Mais cette minorité religieuse arrive à créer la Commission pastorale de la terre (CPT) qui contribuera au retour de la démocratie, à la création du Parti des travailleurs (PT) en 1980, considéré alors comme le parti de Dieu, et du Mouvement des paysans sans terre en 1984. / This thesis aims to analyse the institutional engagement of the Roman Catholic Church and other Pentecostal groups, regarding the land reform and agrarian policies launched in Brazil after the organisation of the Brazil’s Conference of Catholic Bishops (CNBB) held in 1952. We underline that it is necessary to highlight the way how the Roman Catholic Church started its actions by “teaching to read and write” and “recovering” their members those who were dragged into the socialist ideology developed by peasant’s leagues, in order to prevent the growing of the communist front in the countryside. At that time, the catholic’s social movement objectives were under eminent danger, due the Brazilian army aided by the U.S. government, declared a coup in 1964. The Roman Catholic Church in Brazil is divided into two wings: a left and a conservative. The left wing has launched the “Liberation Theology” prohibited by the head of the church in Rome. However, this religious left minority succeeded by organizing the Land’s Pastoral Commission, which contributed to the return of democracy, as well as the organization of the Worker’s Party in 1980, considered by the believers as the God’s will and the foundation of the Landless Worker’s Movement in 1984.

No description available.

Orientador: Michael McDonald Hall / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-05T14:24:51Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Konrad_GlauciaVieiraRamos_D.pdf: 2102026 bytes, checksum: e525447ec7234d2e894018182bff0bdc (MD5) Previous issue date: 2006 / Resumo: O período da história do Brasil, conhecido como Estado Novo teve início em 10 de novembro de 1937, através de um golpe de Estado e estendeu-se até 1945. A Constituição de 1937, outorgada, preceituava a retirada das liberdades sociais e a busca do consenso dos trabalhadores e dos seus órgãos representativos. Grande parte da historiografia, que trata deste período, considera que o Estado Novo conseguiu desenvolver o controle absoluto, não tendo ocorrido contestações, reações e questionamentos da sociedade, em geral, e dos trabalhadores, em particular. Enfim, teria existido o completo controle do mundo do trabalho. Neste caso, os trabalhadores ficaram sob total condição heteronômica diante do Estado, seja pela propaganda política e ideológica, seja pela repressão da polícia política. A intenção do governo de Getúlio Vargas, através da implantação de uma legislação trabalhista e social, buscando o controle dos trabalhadores, procurava resolver o conflito entre capital e trabalho pela harmonia social, criando um aparato jurídico-corporativo que submetia a vida sindical ao Ministério do Trabalho. Porém, antes de ser uma doação do Estado, a conquista dos direitos resultou da resistência e da luta dos trabalhadores pela garantia das mínimas condições de vida e trabalho. A tese tem por objetivo demonstrar, através do estudo do Estado Novo no Rio Grande do Sul, que não existiu, neste período, um hiato na história de lutas dos trabalhadores, estabelecendo que as relações entre os sindicatos e o Estado, entre os não-sindicalizados e a sociedade, apresentaram momentos de menor ou maior reação, porém, nunca de conformismo. Seja reivindicando direitos, seja realizando mobilizações individuais ou coletivas, como as greves, houve resistência e acúmulo de forças para as lutas daquele momento histórico, auxiliando na derrota da ditadura do Estado Novo, bem como para outras que marcaram a trajetória e a experiência posterior dos trabalhadores gaúchos / Abstract: The Brazilian history period known as ¿Estado Novo¿ began on November 10th, 1937, through a coup d¿etat and lasted up to 1945. The 1937 Constitution, approved, established the deprivation of social freedom and the search for the workers¿ and their representative organs¿ agreement. Great part of the historiography, that deals with this period, considers that the ¿Estado Novo¿ was able to developed the absolute control, without the event of any contestation, reaction or questioning from society in general, and the from workers more specifically. After all there would have been the complete control of the working world. In this case workers stayed under total heteronomic condition in the face of the State, because of the political or ideological advertisement or because of the repression of the political police. Getúlio Vargas¿ govern purpose, through the implantation of a working and social legislation, aiming at the workers¿ control, tried to solve the conflict between capital and work by social harmony, creating a juridical-corporative display that submitted syndical life to the Ministry of Work. Nevertheless, before being a Station donation, the conquest of the worker¿s rights resulted from their resistance and fight for the warranty for minimum conditions of life and work. This thesis aims at shouting, through the study of the ¿Estado Novo¿ in Rio Grande do Sul, that during this period, there was not a gap in the history of workers¿ fights, establishing that the relations between the unions and the State, between the nonmembers of unions and society, presented moments of weaker and stronger reactions, but there was never conformism. Claiming their rights, or going through individual or group mobilizations, such as the strikes, there was resistance and strength gathering for the fights of that historical moment, helping defeat the dictatorships of ¿Estado Novo¿, as well as for other fights which marked ¿gaúcho¿ workers way and later experience / Doutorado / Historia Social / Doutor em História