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In the wake of a rescaling of national state welfare responsibilities, urban centres, like the city of Toronto, have become new governance sightlines for managing the deleterious effects of a globalised restructuring of capitalist economies. Toronto is now trafficking its multicultural and “creative city” flare in regional and global markets to secure capital investment necessary to float its newly acquired fiscal responsibilities, including welfare and social services provisioning. And a host of local private-public partnerships have appeared as “shadow state” actors to assist in the suturing of disenfranchised communities to the operative logics of neo-liberal governance and globalised city aspirations. Social welfare and urban studies literature has not been attentive to the increasing reliance on visuality and the “aesthetic” more broadly in securing these desired social and economic outcomes. My ethnographically based dissertation picks up this analytical slack by inciting a two-fold intervention: First, I hone in on the efficacious properties of visual images produced within 3 different social policy spaces and their presumed roles in constituting the domains of social interaction and production. This analysis illustrates that different policy crafting experts understand the “aesthetic” as a remunerative technology of governance - for regulating the problematics of socio-economic and racialised difference, and for mediating rifts in the social fabric as fallout from welfare retrenchment. Second, I examine the ways in which certain normativised aesthetic sensibilities connected to neoliberal urbanism serve as both a calculative resource for re-defining certain spaces and subjects as problematic and thus controllable, and an interpellative mechanism for assembling moralized subjects around the dictates of responsibility and (self) empowerment. The dissertation argues that although these aesthetic governance strategies are resulting in a depoliticisation of communities, and a moralised segregation of compliant and non-compliant subjects played out along racialised /economic lines, there exists a level of disruption transpiring in the spaces of policy implementation. In situ attention to these disruptions, layered with a reflexive analytical restaging of these events and a critical analysis of deployed governance strategies are proposed as a grounding for social work, research and social policy praxis.

In the wake of a rescaling of national state welfare responsibilities, urban centres, like the city of Toronto, have become new governance sightlines for managing the deleterious effects of a globalised restructuring of capitalist economies. Toronto is now trafficking its multicultural and “creative city” flare in regional and global markets to secure capital investment necessary to float its newly acquired fiscal responsibilities, including welfare and social services provisioning. And a host of local private-public partnerships have appeared as “shadow state” actors to assist in the suturing of disenfranchised communities to the operative logics of neo-liberal governance and globalised city aspirations. Social welfare and urban studies literature has not been attentive to the increasing reliance on visuality and the “aesthetic” more broadly in securing these desired social and economic outcomes. My ethnographically based dissertation picks up this analytical slack by inciting a two-fold intervention: First, I hone in on the efficacious properties of visual images produced within 3 different social policy spaces and their presumed roles in constituting the domains of social interaction and production. This analysis illustrates that different policy crafting experts understand the “aesthetic” as a remunerative technology of governance - for regulating the problematics of socio-economic and racialised difference, and for mediating rifts in the social fabric as fallout from welfare retrenchment. Second, I examine the ways in which certain normativised aesthetic sensibilities connected to neoliberal urbanism serve as both a calculative resource for re-defining certain spaces and subjects as problematic and thus controllable, and an interpellative mechanism for assembling moralized subjects around the dictates of responsibility and (self) empowerment. The dissertation argues that although these aesthetic governance strategies are resulting in a depoliticisation of communities, and a moralised segregation of compliant and non-compliant subjects played out along racialised /economic lines, there exists a level of disruption transpiring in the spaces of policy implementation. In situ attention to these disruptions, layered with a reflexive analytical restaging of these events and a critical analysis of deployed governance strategies are proposed as a grounding for social work, research and social policy praxis.

No description available.

La finalité de la thèse est de tenter de répondre à la question de savoir comment les spécificités des parcours de vie des jeunes des quartiers populaires, si elles existent, sont prises en compte dans les politiques publiques, et plus particulièrement dans les politiques de jeunesse à l'échelle locale, notamment celles impulsées par les municipalités. A partir de quels référentiels et de quelles représentations de la jeunesse se construisent ces politiques ? Et, in fine, qu'est-ce qui fait que les jeunes tantôt vont adhérer et tantôt vont résister à la « formalisation » des politiques de jeunesse.Pour ce faire, après avoir proposé une sociologie de la jeunesse contemporaine, mis en évidence les spécificités des parcours de vie des jeunes des quartiers populaires et défini les contours et les finalités des politiques de jeunesse, la thèse tente d'analyser la prise en compte des jeunes au travers de différents axes stratégiques constitutifs de l'action, notamment la citoyenneté et la participation, l'insertion sociale et professionnelle, et l'accès aux espaces publics.Réalisée en convention industrielle de formation par la recherche (CIFRE) au sein de RésO Villes, centre de ressources politique de la ville des régions Bretagne et Pays de la Loire, la thèse s'est essentiellement construite à partir des matériaux issus d'une recherche-action associant les Villes d'Angers, de Brest, Lorient, Nantes, Quimper, Rennes et Saint-Nazaire (67 entretiens réalisés avec des professionnels de jeunesse et des élus, 55 avec des jeunes des quartiers populaires et un cycle de plusieurs journées de réflexion avec ces mêmes acteurs) / The aim of the thesis is to try to answer the question of knowing how specificities of the steps of life of the young of popular suburbs. if any, are taken in account in the public policies, and particularly in youth policies at local level, especially by the local councils. From which references and which representations of youth are these policies elaborated ? And, at last, whatmakes that sometimes the young accept this policy or resist the « formalisation » of youth policies.For that purpose, after having suggested a sociology of contemporary youth, and emphasized on the specificities of the steps of life in popular districts and precised all the limits and the aims of youth policies, the thesis attempts to analyse the way the young are taken in account through different strategic paths, leading to action, particularly citizenship and participation, social and professional insertion, and access to public space.This thesis, written after convention of professional research with the Brittany Region and the Pays de Loire Region, was elaborated after matters provided from a research in different cities : Angers, Brest, Lorient, Nantes, Quimper, Rennes and Saint-Nazaire (67 interviews involving youth professionals and city councillors, 55 with young from popular suburbs and asession of many days of reflexion with these same actors)

Look back to the history of the European Union¡]EU¡^, started with the foundation of the European Coal and Steel Community¡]ECSC¡^ in 1951, then it turned into European Atomic Energy Community¡]EURATOM¡^and European Economic Community¡]EEC¡^to repeal customs duties. Maastricht Treaty was established in the year of 1992 and it brought a brand new, all concepts of integration. The international society and the academic world are interested in whether all these changes will bring the EU to a new single state or not. It¡¦s not an optimum way to via the highly legalized economic laws to define that if there¡¦s a tendency of building a new state of EU. In order to get more ideas of EU, this thesis chooses the youth policy, which has multidimensional concepts, to analyze the situation and to clarify the present and future state of EU integration. With the more specific analysis of the youth policy, this thesis has found that it has not only a goal of strategy, but also one of the most important chains of EU¡¦s integration. Therefore, this article uses the youth policy to be the main framework to check the existence of the EU¡¦s state-building. This thesis provides a new point of view to see if there¡¦s a possibility of the EU¡¦s state-building; begin with checking the EU¡¦s development to build the concept of EU¡¦s integration trend, analyze the EU¡¦s youth policy and compare it with the main trend of EU¡¦s development to explore if EU tends to become one state. The main framework of the study consists of ¡§Internal solidification¡¨ and ¡§external discrimination¡¨ to prevent the limitation of single integration theory and to exam the state of EU¡¦s integration. This proves that EU has found the motive to take the further step to the next stage of integration. It is likely to say that the relations between the member states of EU are getting stronger in cultural concept.

The European youth policy is not often in the centre of attention of media and therefore the awareness and interest of public is on the topic is not very high. However, youth is exactly the group of the population that can be easily influenced. Hence it should be the main target group of the European Union when creating the European identity of its citizens. This thesis analyze three chosen programmes of European youth policy and their influence on formation of the European identity.

no / The African Youth Charter requires African countries to formulate and adopt an integrated national youth policy to address youth concerns. The United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child and the African Children’s Charter also confer on children and young people the right to participate in matters that concern them. Therefore in the formulation and adoption of national youth policies the perspectives of young people need to be incorporated. This research examined how young people participated as strategic stakeholders in the formulation of Ghana’s youth policy. The paper presents a step-by-step analysis of the strategies used to involve young people in the formulation of the national youth policy of Ghana. Findings show that although young people had limited opportunities to participate in the formulation of the youth policy, they have been excluded from the implementation process. The paper concludes that the limited opportunities given to young people to participate in the formulation of the youth policy signifies a gradual drift towards youth engagement in the formulation of public policies in Ghana.

Who is responsible for youth policy implementation? This thesis attempts to deepen our understanding of Swedish and Nordic youth policy. Youth policy is cross-sectoral and includes all the decisions and measures affecting the conditions of young people. National youth policy therefore concerns young people's life situations in a number of different areas, such as work, housing, education, health, leisure and influence. The purpose of the study is to increase the knowledge of youth policy work the last century by understanding the impact of youth research concerning adults' role in youth policy implementation.   A mixed method approach has been applied to the study: interviews, documents and youth theory have been analysed. The results show that youth research had a major impact on the Swedish youth policy. It also shows that the state has an important role in the implementation of youth policies. To create a youth policy that meets the democratic mandate, it is necessary to create a systematic approach and guidelines for municipalities. The study has clearly shown that the state's role in the democratic mandate differ significantly over time and that adults' role in the implementation is of great importance. The study draws attention to the perception of adults over time and how adults are increasingly seen as a barrier to young people's democratic schooling, and on what grounds this opinion rests. It is proposed that views on the democratic mandate will be extended from a municipal focus to the state where youth policy have a broader focus that takes account of national welfare goals based on a policy all municipalities has to be involved in.

The past decade has been witness to a growing concern with the political, moral and social capacity of young people to demonstrate ‘active citizenship’. Alongside the introduction of citizenship education in schools there has been evidence of increased political and public anxiety about how young people integrate within their local communities. All of this has taken place in the context of broader social policy debates about how individuals demonstrate social responsibility in late modern, advanced liberal democracies. This study investigated how young people define and experience active citizenship in their everyday, real world settings. It comprised workshops and focus groups with 93 young people aged 14-16 living in the East Midlands. Using an adaptive theory design, the investigation utilised definitions generated by young people to build an applied theory of active citizenship. Young people in this study defined active citizenship in terms of membership and status, social responsibility and to a lesser extent, political literacy. Through a process of deliberation, they determined six concepts to be most important in thinking about active citizenship. These were ‘rights’; ‘responsibilities’; ‘care for others’; ‘control’; ‘making decisions’, and ‘respect’. These concepts were explored in relation to the everyday experiences of young people. Young people experience active citizenship differently within and between each context of their lives (proximate, community and institutional levels) showing high degrees of related skills and awareness. Whilst communities and institutions offer some opportunities for young people to test and develop citizenship identities, they also present significant barriers.