The thesis links the writings of the Italian Italo Calvino and the Chinese Ma Yuan through the Taoist symbol of the Tao and the Borgesian concept of the Aleph, an imaginary point in space containing all points in space and time. Based on Zhuangzi’s parable of the Emperor Hun-tun (Chaos) who lost his original state of chaos when he had sensory openings poked into him, the vision of the Aleph/Tao represents the return to that chaotic state of undifferentiated knowledge one experiences when one closes all sensory perceptions. This unnameable vision allows one to transcend all apparent conceptual dichotomies as it lies in the realm of intuition rather than language. Calvino, like Borges, posits that the chaos of the universe cannot be represented through the sequential language system, but nevertheless demonstrates this ineffability through language. Ma Yuan celebrates the chaos of life by writing about a mythological Tibet, upholding the uniqueness of that culture as a subtle subversion to the Chinese political and territorial takeover. Chapter One and Two, respectively, discuss the “Overlapping Conceptual Spaces” in Calvino’s Invisible Cities and Ma Yuan’s ‘The Temptation of the Gangdisi’. Chapter Three looks in greater detail at the images of the Aleph and the Tao in the two main texts against the backdrop of Borgesian thought. In accordance with the concept of the Aleph/Tao whose definition is continuously unsettled by contradictory conjectures, the fourth chapter undoes the conclusions reached in the previous chapters. This chapter discusses Calvino’s Cosmicomics and Ma Yuan’s shorter Tibetan stories in the light of comic parody. That which was earlier posited as the ineffable in these stories is elaborated in a profusion of words. The Conclusion discusses from a Taoist point of view the predominantly male voice in the writings of the two authors. While both advocate the spiritual sameness of all phenomena in an undifferentiated knowledge of the world, they nevertheless write from the male perspective of the yang pursuing and wanting to possess the yin.

Thesis (M.A.)--Si li Zhongguo wen hua xue yuan, 1972. / Reproduced from typescript, on double leaves. Includes bibliographical references (p. 215-225).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Washington, 1992. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves [294]-310).

Thesis (M.A.)--University of Hong Kong, 1987. / Also available in print.

Thesis (M.A.)--Guo li zheng zhi da xue, Minguo 66 [1977.] / Cover title. Reproduced from typescript. Bibliography: p. 163-175.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Washington, 2000. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 369-389).

The thesis links the writings of the Italian Italo Calvino and the Chinese Ma Yuan through the Taoist symbol of the Tao and the Borgesian concept of the Aleph, an imaginary point in space containing all points in space and time. Based on Zhuangzi’s parable of the Emperor Hun-tun (Chaos) who lost his original state of chaos when he had sensory openings poked into him, the vision of the Aleph/Tao represents the return to that chaotic state of undifferentiated knowledge one experiences when one closes all sensory perceptions. This unnameable vision allows one to transcend all apparent conceptual dichotomies as it lies in the realm of intuition rather than language. Calvino, like Borges, posits that the chaos of the universe cannot be represented through the sequential language system, but nevertheless demonstrates this ineffability through language. Ma Yuan celebrates the chaos of life by writing about a mythological Tibet, upholding the uniqueness of that culture as a subtle subversion to the Chinese political and territorial takeover. Chapter One and Two, respectively, discuss the “Overlapping Conceptual Spaces” in Calvino’s Invisible Cities and Ma Yuan’s ‘The Temptation of the Gangdisi’. Chapter Three looks in greater detail at the images of the Aleph and the Tao in the two main texts against the backdrop of Borgesian thought. In accordance with the concept of the Aleph/Tao whose definition is continuously unsettled by contradictory conjectures, the fourth chapter undoes the conclusions reached in the previous chapters. This chapter discusses Calvino’s Cosmicomics and Ma Yuan’s shorter Tibetan stories in the light of comic parody. That which was earlier posited as the ineffable in these stories is elaborated in a profusion of words. The Conclusion discusses from a Taoist point of view the predominantly male voice in the writings of the two authors. While both advocate the spiritual sameness of all phenomena in an undifferentiated knowledge of the world, they nevertheless write from the male perspective of the yang pursuing and wanting to possess the yin. / Arts, Faculty of / English, Department of / Graduate

If one can come out as queer, how does one come out as queer in the Chinese context? More importantly, how exactly does one come out as “Chinese,” especially given the increasingly complex construction and remaking of “Chineseness” across the Taiwan Strait? Building on Hongwei Bao’s concept of the “queer comrade” as an analytical framework that acknowledges the temporal coevality of its circulation across postsocialist China and Taiwan, this comparative study of Zhang Yuan’s East Palace, West Palace and Ang Lee’s Eat Drink Man Woman explores archives of Chineseness and queerness in a transnational context. At the same time, through examining representations of cruising, traditional opera form, tables, kitchens, and food -- I argue that queer identities are not only about private sexual practices, but also about new family formations, political tensions, and intercultural exchanges. I take cues from archival studies to see them as alternative archival practices and subjectivities which channel new pathways to reimagine Queer Sinophone futurities. / Thesis / Master of Arts (MA)

Le 18 mars 2000, Chen Shui-bian, représentant le Parti Démocrate-Progressiste (Minjindang) succédait à Lee Teng-hui, appartenant au Parti Nationaliste (Kuomintang), premier président élu au suffrage universel à Taïwan. Cependant, le Yuan législatif a connu à partir des années 2000, et jusqu'au terme du second mandat de Chen Shui-bian en 2008, de nombreux blocages, résultant du fait que le KMT et ses alliés du camp pan-bleu aient réussi à conserver à toutes les élections législatives le contrôle du parlement. Le point de départ de notre thèse est de comprendre comment ces blocages sont advenus, et la manière dont les différentes branches du gouvernement et du parlement ont négocié en vue de les résoudre. A ce titre, nous nous intéressons en particulier au rôle des Grands Juges du Yuan judiciaire (Sifa yuan Dafaguan) dans la résolution de ces différends institutionnels. Nous nous demandons si ces derniers ont été un recours dont les différentes branches se sont servies pour résoudre ces différends ou bien sont-ils restés en retrait, préférant ne pas s'impliquer dans les problèmes politiques ? Les Grands Juges ont eu pour constante l'affirmation de leur indépendance en tant que cour constitutionnelle. Plutôt que de trancher les litiges, ils ont préféré les recours aux solutions négociées entre les acteurs, donnant un cadre aux institutions pour résoudre les conflits. En matière de libertés fondamentales et de droits de l'Homme, les Grands Juges ont statué en faveur de la garantie ou de l'extension des droits déjà inscrits dans la Constitution de 1947. Cette institution agit ainsi dans la continuité de son rôle historique dans la transition démocratique. / On March 18th, 2000, Chen Shui-bian, representing the Democratic-Progressive Party (Minjindang), succeeded Lee Teng-hui, member of the Nationalist Party (Kuomintang) and first Taiwan president elected by popular vote. However, starting in 2000, and until the end of Chen Shui-bian's second term in 2008, a number of political standoffs occurred in the Legislative Yuan, as a result of the KMT and its allies of the so-called pan-blue camp securing control of the parliament's majority in every legislative election. Our thesis aims to understand how these deadlocks happened, and the way in which each branch of the government negotiated to find agreements. We particularly focus on the role played by the Great Justices of the Judicial Yuan (Sifayuan Dafaguan). Were the Great Justices called upon by the different branches of the government to end the stalemates, or did they stay away from political matters? The Great Justices have consistently asserted their independence as a constitutional court. Instead of deciding in favour of one party or another, they have privileged procedural solutions, providing thus an institutional framework for conflict resolution. In matters of civic liberties and human rights, the Great Justices have ruled in favour of protecting and extending the rights already enshrined in the 1947 Constitution. The Great Justices therefore appear more as defenders of rights, i.e. ombudsmen, rather than as a constitutional mechanism to work disputes out. This institution thus acts in keeping with its historical role during the democratic transition.

Le 18 mars 2000, Chen Shui-bian, représentant le Parti Démocrate-Progressiste (Minjindang) succédait à Lee Teng-hui, appartenant au Parti Nationaliste (Kuomintang), premier président élu au suffrage universel à Taïwan. Cependant, le Yuan législatif a connu à partir des années 2000, et jusqu'au terme du second mandat de Chen Shui-bian en 2008, de nombreux blocages, résultant du fait que le KMT et ses alliés du camp pan-bleu aient réussi à conserver à toutes les élections législatives le contrôle du parlement. Le point de départ de notre thèse est de comprendre comment ces blocages sont advenus, et la manière dont les différentes branches du gouvernement et du parlement ont négocié en vue de les résoudre. A ce titre, nous nous intéressons en particulier au rôle des Grands Juges du Yuan judiciaire (Sifa yuan Dafaguan) dans la résolution de ces différends institutionnels. Nous nous demandons si ces derniers ont été un recours dont les différentes branches se sont servies pour résoudre ces différends ou bien sont-ils restés en retrait, préférant ne pas s'impliquer dans les problèmes politiques ? Les Grands Juges ont eu pour constante l'affirmation de leur indépendance en tant que cour constitutionnelle. Plutôt que de trancher les litiges, ils ont préféré les recours aux solutions négociées entre les acteurs, donnant un cadre aux institutions pour résoudre les conflits. En matière de libertés fondamentales et de droits de l'Homme, les Grands Juges ont statué en faveur de la garantie ou de l'extension des droits déjà inscrits dans la Constitution de 1947. Cette institution agit ainsi dans la continuité de son rôle historique dans la transition démocratique. / On March 18th, 2000, Chen Shui-bian, representing the Democratic-Progressive Party (Minjindang), succeeded Lee Teng-hui, member of the Nationalist Party (Kuomintang) and first Taiwan president elected by popular vote. However, starting in 2000, and until the end of Chen Shui-bian's second term in 2008, a number of political standoffs occurred in the Legislative Yuan, as a result of the KMT and its allies of the so-called pan-blue camp securing control of the parliament's majority in every legislative election. Our thesis aims to understand how these deadlocks happened, and the way in which each branch of the government negotiated to find agreements. We particularly focus on the role played by the Great Justices of the Judicial Yuan (Sifayuan Dafaguan). Were the Great Justices called upon by the different branches of the government to end the stalemates, or did they stay away from political matters? The Great Justices have consistently asserted their independence as a constitutional court. Instead of deciding in favour of one party or another, they have privileged procedural solutions, providing thus an institutional framework for conflict resolution. In matters of civic liberties and human rights, the Great Justices have ruled in favour of protecting and extending the rights already enshrined in the 1947 Constitution. The Great Justices therefore appear more as defenders of rights, i.e. ombudsmen, rather than as a constitutional mechanism to work disputes out. This institution thus acts in keeping with its historical role during the democratic transition.