Thesis (MA )--Stellenbosch University, 2011. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The issue of democratic consolidation has become an important field of study in relation to
developing states, especially with regards to Southern Africa. The region’s history of
liberation struggles and the emergence of liberation movements as ruling parties are vital
factors to take into account when investigating democracy and, more specifically, democratic
consolidation in these countries. However, there are only a few comparative studies that have
looked at the effects of liberation movement governance on democracy. Therefore, in this
study two case studies – Zimbabwe and South Africa – are compared in an effort to offer
more insight into this topic.
The focus of the study was placed on how the behavior of liberation movement governments
has affected the rule of law in order to assess their impact on democratic consolidation in
general. This study follows the premise of studies in political behavior that actors’ attitudes
(in this case, liberation movements’ political cultures) affect their behavior or actions that in
turn have an influence on democratic institutions that eventually impacts democratic stability.
In order to investigate this, the two case studies were compared and discussed in terms of the
following themes: firstly, the respective liberation struggles and transitions to majority rule;
secondly, the political cultures that have developed within ZANU-PF and the ANC during the
liberation struggles; and lastly, the effect of the two parties’ behavior – informed by the
political cultures – on the rule of law, a central feature of democratic consolidation.
The findings indicate that in Zimbabwe, the rule of law disintegrated and democracy faltered
largely due to the behavior of ZANU-PF. In South Africa, on the other hand, the rule of law
has so far been upheld and the prospects for democratic consolidation seem more positive
than in the case of Zimbabwe. In the last few years, though, the ruling ANC has shown
tendencies that could prove to be detrimental to the future of democracy in South Africa. The
ANC and ZANU-PF have both exhibited an authoritarian political culture, a desire to capture
the state, tendencies towards centralization of power and the delegitimation of opposition.
However, perhaps the key explanation for the protection of the rule of law in South Africa and
the disintegration thereof in Zimbabwe has less to do with the political culture than the
constraining influence of the international context with a renewed focus on democracy and human rights and internal factors such as the constitution, civil society and a robust media.
Furthermore, Zimbabwe experienced a watershed moment in the 2000 with the constitutional
referendum which the Mugabe regime lost. With the loss of the referendum, ZANU-PF’s
democratic credentials were tested and it failed. In South Africa, such a watershed moment
has not happened yet – the ANC’s democratic credentials have yet to be tested like this.
Therefore, the future of democracy is still uncertain even though in comparison with
Zimbabwe, the prospects of democratic survival seem to be more positive. In conclusion, it is
not possible to claim that liberation movement governance in general negatively affects
democratic consolidation. The findings of the study indicate that this has definitely been the
case in Zimbabwe, but so far not in South Africa. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die kwessie van demokratiese konsolidasie het ‘n belangrike veld van studie geword in
verband met ontwikkelende lande, veral met betrekking tot Suider-Afrika. Die gebied se
geskiedenis van bevrydingstryde en die opkoms van vryheidsbewegings as regerende partye is
belangrike faktore om in ag te neem wanneer demokrasie en, meer spesifiek, demokratiese
konsolidasie ondersoek word. Tog is daar sover net ‘n paar vergelykende studies wat gekyk
het na die effekte van bevrydingsbewegings se regeerkunde op demokrasie. Gevolglik, in
hierdie studie is twee gevallestudies – Zimbabwe en Suid-Afrika – vergelyk in ‘n poging om
meer insig te bied met betrekking tot hierdie onderwerp.
Die fokus van die studie is geplaas op hoe die gedrag van regerende bevrydingsbewegings
die oppergesag van die reg beïnvloed in ‘n poging om te bepaal hoe hulle demokratiese
konsolidasie in die algemeen affekteer. Die studie volg die veronderstelling van studies in
politieke gedrag dat akteurs se houdings (in hierdie geval die politieke kulture van die
bevrydingsbewegings) beïnvloed hul gedrag of aksies wat weer ‘n invloed het op
demokratiese instellings wat uiteindelik ‘n effek het op demokratiese stabiliteit. Om dit te
ondersoek is die twee gevallestudies vergelyk en bespreek met betrekking tot die volgende:
eerstens, die onderskeidelike vryheidstryde en oorgange tot meerderheidsregerings; tweedens,
die politieke kulture wat ontwikkel het binne ZANU-PF en die ANC gedurende die
vryheidstryde; en laastens, die effek van die twee partye se gedrag – geïnspireer deur die
politieke kulture – op die oppergesag van die reg, ‘n sleutel kenmerk van demokratiese
konsolidasie.
Die bevindinge dui daarop dat die oppergesag van die reg in Zimbabwe in duie gestort het en
demokrasie gefaal het grootliks as gevolg van ZANU-PF se gedrag. In Suid-Afrika, aan die
anderkant, is die oppergesag van die reg sover gehandhaaf en die vooruitsigte vir
demokratiese konsolidasie blyk om meer positief te wees as in die geval van Zimbabwe. Tog
het die ANC oor die laaste paar jaar tendense getoon wat skadelik kan wees vir die toekoms
van demokrasie in Suid-Afrika. Die ANC en ZANU-PF het beide ‘n outoritêre politieke
kultuur geopenbaar, ‘n begeerte om beheer oor die staat oor te neem, tendense tot die
sentralisering van mag en om opposisie te ondermyn. Alhoewel, die moontlike sleutel verklaring vir die beskerming van die oppergesag van die reg in Suid-Afrika en die
disintegrering daarvan in Zimbabwe minder te doen het met die politieke kultuur as die
beperkende invloed van die internasionale konteks met ‘n hernude fokus op demokrasie en
menseregte en interne faktore soos die grondwet, die burgerlike samelewing en ‘n robuuste
media. Verder, Zimbabwe het ‘n keerpunt beleef in 2000 met die konstitusionele referendum
wat die Mugabe regime verloor het. Met die verlies van die referendum, is ZANU-PF se
demokratiese getuigskrifte getoets en dit het gefaal. Suid-Afrika het nog nie so ‘n keerpunt
beleef nie – die ANC se demokratiese getuigskrifte moet nog op so ‘n wyse getoets word.
Daarom is die toekoms van demokrasie steeds onseker, maar in vergelyking met Zimbabwe,
blyk dit dat die vooruitsigte vir demokratiese oorlewing meer positief is. Ter slotte, is dit nie
moontlik om te verklaar dat bevrydingbewegings se regeerkunde demokratiese konsolidasie
oor die algemeen negatief beïnvloed nie. Die bevindinge dui daarop dat dit definitief die geval
in Zimbabwe is, maar sover nie in Suid-Afrika nie.
| Identifer | oai:union.ndltd.org:netd.ac.za/oai:union.ndltd.org:sun/oai:scholar.sun.ac.za:10019.1/17856 |
| Date | 12 1900 |
| Creators | Britz, Anna Christina |
| Contributors | De Jager, N. L., Du Toit, P. V. D. P., Stellenbosch University. Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences. Dept. of Political Science. |
| Publisher | Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University |
| Source Sets | South African National ETD Portal |
| Language | en_ZA |
| Detected Language | English |
| Format | xiv, 151 p. : ill. |
| Rights | Stellenbosch University |
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