Civil society has come to dominate the discourses of development and social change for the last few decades. This thesis is a critical engagement with the liberal ideas of civil society; it specifically explores the politics that surfaces in the civic sphere in the context of caste inequalities through the study of Dalit socio-political organisations that occupy the margins of civil society in India. This ethnography of Dalit politics interrogates the intersections of caste and civil society in current globalised times and spaces through exploration into post-Panther phase of Dalit politics in rural Maharashtra. The focus is on two socio-political movements; one is Manavi Hakk Abhiyan (MHA), a grassroots Dalit organisation with international networks and the other is Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) a national Dalit political party. This study offers insights into the dynamic nature of caste and its vitality in constructing localised form/s of civil society in India. A common running theme in the thesis is Dalit politics of resistance and their struggle to access justice through the state despite the continued denial of justice to Dalits through fragmented institutions of the state. The study, thus, observes how the participation of Dalit movements in claiming democratic citizenship through party politics occurs alongside the marginalisation of Dalit assertion in electoral politics. Looking beyond the state, the thesis charts the relationships between Dalits and the external relational fields within which they operate: it details the vernacular modes of communication in the civic sphere where protests and violence are important modes; the innovative uses of caste and cultural repertoires by Dalit movements in challenging caste hierarchy and forming collective identities of protest; and finally, the context of global associational revolution and engagement of NGOs and INGOs as new associations in Dalit politics of resistance. This thesis contributes to the larger debates on the makings of caste and civil society in India and argues that caste and Dalit movements have a key role in constructing localised forms of civility and civil society that challenge the dynamic hierarchies and exclusions of caste.

Vi ville undersöka den hinduiska samhällsordningen, som benämns som kastsystemet, samt de oberörbaras uppror mot kastsystemet från 1850-talet och framåt. Vi ville analysera det befintliga materialet genom att pröva religionsvetenskapliga teorier som en potentiell förklaring till existensen av ett sådant fenomen som kastsystemet. Enligt indisk lag är diskriminering av kasttillhörighet förbjudet och praktiserandet av kastsystemet avskaffades officiellt 1950. Trots detta praktiseras denna hinduiska samhällsordning och än idag förekommer det en social, ekonomisk och politisk ojämställdhet, på grund av kastsystemet, i det indiska samhället. De som är sämst ställda i denna samhällsordning och som drabbas mest av den ojämställdhet som råder i det indiska samhället är de oberörbara. De drabbas än idag av våld och människorättsövergrepp. Med vår uppsats vill vi ge en potentiell förklaring av kastsystemets existens samt de oberörbaras uppror mot denna samhällsordning efter 1850-talet fram till 2000-talet. Detta vill vi göra genom att pröva tre utvalda religionsvetenskapliga teorier. De religionsvetenskapliga teorier vi valt är skapade från bland annat Meredith B. McGuire och Pierre Bourdieu. Vi har funnit att deras religionsvetenskapliga teorier kan ge en förklaring till både kastsystemets existens och de oberörbaras uppror mot kastsystemet genom historiens förlopp.

This thesis analyzes the history of caste system and explains the theories of the birth of caste in Indian civilization. After defining the caste system in historical and cultural manner. examines the birth of and spreading of Dalit movement or low caste mass movement during the 19th and 20th century with the influence of British rule.

Thèse de doctorat--Sciences religieuses--Université de Lausanne, 1999. / Bibliogr. p. 331-369.

This dissertation examines attempts at the revival of Buddhism in India from the late nineteenth century to the middle of the twentieth century. Typically, Dr. Bhimrao Ambedkar's conversion to Buddhism in 1956 is seen as the start of the neo-Buddhist movement in India. I see this important post-colonial moment as an endpoint in a larger trajectory of efforts at reviving Buddhism in India. The term "revival" itself arose as a result of a particular understanding of Indian history as having had a Buddhist phase in the distant past. Buddhism is also seen in the historiography as a British colonial discovery (or "recovery") for their Indian subjects viz. a range of archaeological and philological endeavors starting in the early decades of the nineteenth century. I argue that there was a quite prolific Indian discourse on Buddhism starting from the late nineteenth century that segued into secret histories of cosmopolitanism, modernity, nationalism and caste radicalism in India. In this context I examine a constellation of figures including the Sri Lankan Buddhist ideologue and activist Anagarika Dharmapala, Buddhist studies scholars like Beni Madhab Barua, the Hindi writer, socialist, and sometime Buddhist monk Rahula Sankrityayana, the first Prime Minister of India Jawaharlal Nehru and Ambedkar himself among others, to explicate how Buddhism was constructed and deployed in the service of these ideologies and pervaded both liberal and radical Indian thought formations. In the process, Buddhism came to be characterized as both a universal and national religion, as the first modern faith system long before the actual advent of the modern age, as a system of ethics that espoused liberal values, an ethos of gender and caste equality, and independent and rational thinking, as a veritable civil religion for a new nation, and as a liberation theology for Dalits in India and indeed for the entire nation. My dissertation is about the people, networks, ideas and things that made this possible. / History

This thesis analyses the Dalit Movement with regards to the twentieth century Indian nationalism and independence movement. Within this epoch, India was dealing with both internal and external problems, and this thesis confronts with the process of double freedom movement rolled into one, in India. On one side Indian nation was fighting against the British Imperialism and on the other hand the least level of the ancient Hindu social order varna, the Untouchables, were fighting against the higher castes for eradication of their historical backwardness. This solution of both problems pointed out changes in social and political terms. The mentioned movement under the leadership of Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar, who is recognized as the architect of the Indian constitution, aimed to obtain both political and social rights and freedom for the Untouchables. By this movement, Dalits initially managed to attain political rights and to outlaw discrimination among people. And then, in order to facilitate the integration of Dalits within the social sphere, they decided to convert from Br&amp / #257 / hmanism to Buddhism in year 1956 and ten thousands of Dalits converted following Dr. Ambedkar. In the present day, the ex-Untouchables are living under the umbrellas of Buddhism, Islam or Christianity in various parts of India. Even though the mentioned ex-Untouchables survive normally and non-problematically in urban, those of them living in the rural front against the violence of radical rightist, nationalist Hindus.

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Can unfree people make themselves free? Some people are unfree because of the social and political conditions in which they find themselves. To become freer would require changing those conditions; yet changing them requires the exercise of freedom. So it seems like they must already be free in order to become free. Drawing on John Dewey, W.E.B. Du Bois, and B.R. Ambedkar, I argue that the unfree can make themselves free. Unfreedom involves external constraints and how those constraints shape people’s agency. Becoming freer involves coming to know, from the inside, how our agency has been shaped. We can change that shaping and in turn the social conditions. The problem of unfreedom is a vicious cycle. Social conditions constrain agency, which in turn further entrenches the social conditions. A virtuous cycle is possible. Agents can change their conditions, reducing the constraint on their agency, in turn enabling greater change. Conditions are unstable, and agents can take advantage of that instability.

The thesis deals with dalit literature and its role in the dalit movement. In the preface it summarizes information about indian caste system, untouchability and outlines the history of the dalit movement. It tries to highlight certain important points within the history of dalit movement that were significant for the evolvement and development of the dalit literature. Then it goes onto the dalit literature itself. The brief historical depiction is devided into parts based on geographic and lingual regions (Marathi, Telugu, Tamil, Hindi and Gujarati). Further the author deals with classification of dalit literature and its relation with afro- american literature. She poses and tries to answer the question of who in fact is the dalit writer, how is dalit literature received by literature critics and briefly also mentions its language specificities. In the analysis of dalit literature motives the author describes significant and frequent storylines and shows the connection of literature and dalit movement. Specific examples taken from dalit works point out particular motives and nicely illustrate the character of this literature. Separate chapter deals with recently current theme of women in dalit literature. In conclusion author offers summary of the whole theme, emphasizes its most important points...