This thesis analyses conflict dynamics in West Africa and assesses the role of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) as a security organisation in its response to armed conflict. In so doing, it argues that conventional approaches misinterpret key feature of the civil wars in the “Greater Mano River Area” which includes Liberia, Sierra Leone and C??te d’Ivoire. It demonstrates that the progression and spread of conflict is engendered primarily by transversal political structures. The thesis utilises a critical international society approach to consider patterns of security and insecurity across the sub-region of West Africa. However, rather than accepting that West African politics operates within a single, comprehensive international society, it argues instead that it should be understood at two levels. One level is state-centric international society, where West African inter-state relations can largely be explained according to existing constructivist paradigms. At the second level is “transversal” society that cuts across state borders, generating a regional, normative structure that prescribes and constrains behaviour within and between communities outside of the international society framework. The thesis proceeds in two parts. In the first section it works towards an understanding of the transversal politics of regional conflict in the Greater Mano River Area. Conflict is nominally internal, and centralised state authority is the object of both attack and transformation. However, a close examination of civil violence in Liberia, Sierra Leone and C??te d’Ivoire reveals that it cannot be completely understood without recognising the non-state structures of authority and domination that disrupt the traditional domestic/international divide. The transversal communities generated by conflict create a regional cycle of violence that is resistant to efforts made to resolve it. The second section of the thesis is concerned with the ability of ECOWAS to foster durable peace. As West Africa’s key regional organisation, ECOWAS would seem well-placed to respond to regional conflict. It is well-integrated, has significant normative legitimacy and has developed sophisticated security mechanisms. Critically however, as it was created within inter-state international society, ECOWAS is limited by its assumption that states are and should remain unitary actors. Its failure ultimately lies in its inability to respond to the alternative political contours of transversal communities.

This thesis documents the development of the Chinese government??s response to HIV/AIDS in the context of the global AIDS regime in order to assess when, how and to what extent international AIDS norms have had an impact upon China??s governance of AIDS. Employing an applied constructivist framework, the thesis argues that the impact of global norms at the domestic level has been contingent on a) the socializing actions of norm entrepreneurs, b) the domestic political context and c) crisis. In the case of China and the impact of global AIDS norms, the central argument is that key elements of China??s domestic political context minimized the socializing affects of the global AIDS regime until the SARS crisis in 2003 led to a reappraisal of AIDS in the context of political legitimacy, at which time global AIDS norms began to have increasing salience in China. This thesis begins by identifying the evolution of a global AIDS regime before moving on to an exploration of China??s domestic political context. The thesis then documents and analyses China??s governance of AIDS from 1985 to 2007 through the use of five indicators ?? political commitment, legislation and policy, representation of AIDS in the media, the participation of civil society, and international engagement. The findings demonstrate that there has been a significant change between China??s pre-SARS and post-SARS AIDS governance with China acting increasingly in accordance with global norms following the SARS crisis of 2003. The thesis proposes that the SARS crisis was catalytic in that it exposed the vulnerability of the Chinese government??s claims to legitimacy, and in so doing, enabled the domestic political context to shift, allowing health, and by extension AIDS, to be reframed as a political issue. Importantly however, when the Chinese government scaled up its response to the epidemic it was able to be guided by the normative framework prescribed by the global AIDS regime.

The increase in direct personal investment in capital market assets by Australians over the past two decades represents an unprecedented engagement with that sector of Australian economic life. This dissertation critically investigates claims that this engagement heralds a shareholder democracy. Increased economic participation based on private direct ownership of corporate securities could be interpreted as a weak form of democratisation. Using a class-theoretical framework, the dissertation conceptualises the private shareholder phenomenon as a process of embourgeoisement and argues that the development of a macro-level mass consumer financial products market is the result of capitalist class development and expansion. A thesis of strong democratisation proffers the notion that the private shareholder, as an ascendant class of financial actor, engages with real democratic processes in addition to simply owning securities. To test this thesis the dissertation measures the extent to which small shareholders control the objective conditions under which they accumulate greater wealth by seeking evidence of potential or actual engagement with macro-market and meso-corporate level social processes. The dissertation assesses macro-level practice by drawing on the work of Bourdieu and on notions of the social field. It considers the entry of the new class of financial actor to the financial field and analyses their capacity to accumulate and deploy informational capital, and compares their ability to influence a state-sponsored economic reform process (CLERP) with that of other actors. The dissertation analyses longitudinal ownership and shareholder voting data from a set of over 30 major Australian companies. It finds that the new class of economic actor is most prevalent in privatised state-owned enterprises and mutuals. In the context of an ideal Habermasian public sphere, the study considers the potential for small shareholders to participate in meso-level, corporate agenda-setting and deliberation. Using the ideal political space of Arendt, it searches for methods of achieving democratic outcomes. The dissertation finds that while the personal ownership of tradable financial assets may constitute a weak form of economic democratisation, small shareholders?? inability to influence real outcomes, even in companies in which they constitute the majority, places substantial restrictions on the overall strength of the share ownership-as-democracy thesis.

Rapa Nui (Easter Island) has for centuries been known as an isolated island of archaeological mysteries; yet after a rapid modernisation this is today an international tourist destination, a World Heritage Site and a glocalised community. This anthropological study based on long-term fieldwork among young Rapa Nui on the island and away, describes how it can be to grow up in and to belong to such a place. Place is seen as a continually constructed social space and is influenced by Miriam Kahn??s use of Henri Lefebvre??s concept thirdspace. Rapa Nui, as a place, people and community, is here understood as continuously formed by global and local influences. Thus, although historical, global and national influences can seem overwhelming in such a small tourist destination with a turbulent colonial history, this study also sees the opinions and practices of the inhabitants as important agents. This thesis shows how young Rapa Nui are both influenced by and influencing what Rapa Nui is and becomes. Above all, their guiding principle seems to be a continuing strong attachment to their land ??also called Te Pito o te Henua (??The Navel of the World??).

Since its first use in criminal investigations in 1987, DNA profiling has become the new gold standard for investigations and prosecutions. Academics, politicians and law enforcement officials have presented DNA evidence as a ??scientific hero?? that is capable of solving crimes and preventing miscarriages of justice. However, in spite of this reputation, few studies have explored the impact of this technology on criminal justice practitioners, or on the process of investigating and processing criminal offences. This dissertation provides a comparative study of the use of DNA profiling in two jurisdictions: New South Wales (NSW) in Australia and the Thames Valley in the United Kingdom (UK). Interviews canvassed the perspectives and experiences of police officers, scene of crime officers (SOCOs), forensic scientists, criminal lawyers, and judicial officers from these areas. These interviews were analysed in conjunction with appeal judgments and police statistics to reveal how DNA evidence has been used in the NSW and Thames Valley. The research presented in this dissertation indicates that DNA profiling is having a number of far-reaching effects on both criminal justice systems and is seen as a reliable forensic tool by criminal justice practitioners. Practitioners routinely use DNA evidence throughout the various stages of the criminal justice process and are actively changing their practices to utilise the technology more effectively. One of the main impacts of the introduction of DNA evidence into criminal investigations has been the need to provide substantial resources and infrastructure for the collection, analysis, and storage of samples. Both jurisdictions encountered a number of problems because they provided insufficient resources to effectively use DNA profiling. This study also offers insight into how criminal justice practitioners perceive the dangers of using DNA evidence and how miscarriages of justice can occur. Finally, through an analysis of the combined experiences of criminal justice practitioners, this dissertation challenges the widespread acceptance and routine use of forensic DNA profiling. It further suggests that it is now time to re-consider current practices in relation to how resources are devoted to the technology, and how criminal justice practitioners are using the technology.

This thesis maps the values that have guided the asylum policy decisions of Australia's political leaders over the past half-century, drawing on archival records and interviews with former immigration ministers and senior public servants. For comparative purposes, it also maps the values shaping the views of asylum among leaders of a supra-national organization (the European Commission) and of a major non-government organization (the Jesuit Refugee Service). The findings support the view that a culture of control permeates Australian asylum policy decisions, and that the quest for control stems from perceptions of national interest as articulated in immigration and foreign policy. However, beneath this it shows the primary values shaping policy to be nation building and good governance in the case of the Australian leaders, and (European) community building in the case of European Commission leaders. Building on a 'caring for us, caring for them' conundrum found running through the values of all three groups of leaders, and seeking a secular equivalent to the faith-inspired relational approach of the Jesuit Refugee Service leaders, the thesis explores the contribution an ethics of care might make to asylum policy design, delivery and evaluation. It argues that such an approach, in which care is conceived as a value, process and practice rather than a sentiment or theory, is well suited to the area, especially when refined to provide for the work of empathy and imagination. It concludes by considering the potential implications for Australian asylum policy if an ethics of care were adopted. The primary goals of the thesis are a better understanding of the issues involved in asylum policy, and the articulation of an ethical approach potentially as engaging of policy insiders as of policy spectators.

Canada has actively incorporated human security into its foreign policy framework ever since the first articulation of human security in the 1994 United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) Annual Report. The Canadian Government has been at the forefront of promoting the concept internationally, thereby identifying Canada as one of the leading 'humanist-activist' states. This thesis, however, takes a more skeptical approach towards the emancipatory claims of Canada's human security discourse. It argues that, despite its overarching humanistic tone, the question of who is secured through the language and operationalization of human security remains problematic. In examining Canada's human security discourse in reference to this central question, this thesis analyses the promotion and operationalization of human security within Canada and abroad. The central argument of this thesis is that with its overwhelmingly statist and liberal language, Canada's interpretation of human security is far from being a challenge to the traditional ontological claims of security as being the provider of political order. The Canadian human security agenda is driven by a traditional fear of national insecurity. It aims to secure national unity and identity in Canada, and its national and economic security abroad, by promoting the ideals of liberal democratic peace. Drawing upon the insights of critical security studies and post-structuralist approaches to international relations, this thesis reveals several meaning-producing effects of Canada's human security discourse. First, domestically, it perpetuates the truth claims of the discourse of Canadian identity by naturalizing the idea of Canadian goodness. Canada's human security discourse enhances the social control of the population by masking 'human insecurities' within Canada. Second, by framing 'failed' and 'fragile' states as a threat to Canadian security and liberal international order, the Canadian Government perpetuates the constant struggle between the zones of peace and the zones of chaos, and overcodes human security with simultaneously a statist and universalist language that aims to control as well as emancipate the 'borderlands' Third, while Canadian discourse on human security claims to encourage a bottom-up approach to security, it works ironically as an elitist policy which endorses an ideal form of governance in Canada and abroad.

This thesis examines the construction of ?Chineseness? by Australian-born Chinese through their interactions with mainstream ?white? society and Chinese diasporic communities in Australia. It represents an interdisciplinary study based on qualitative research and critical analysis of forty-three in-depth interviews with Australian-born Chinese whose families have resided in Australia for three generations or more. Diasporic narratives, fraught with contentions over belonging and difference, often lead to ambiguous ramifications of identity formation. While the notion of hybridity problematises the unsettling boundaries of identities, there is still a continuing perception that ethnic identification decreases over successive generations, resulting in assimilation. However, contrary to this assumption, this study shows that subsequent generations also encounter complicated experiences involving both feelings of cultural ambivalence and enrichment. While the rewriting of identity takes place against the varying circumstances of resettlement, the experiences and transitions across the respondents? life course concurrently inscribes Chineseness onto their lives in diverse ways. Furthermore, Chineseness is continually (re)constructed through decentered connections with an imaginary homeland. Consequently, despite generational longevity, strong affinities with Australian society and longstanding national identities grounded in Australian culture, Chineseness is still a significant part of their identity, whether they willingly choose to associate with it or not. The focus on revaluating the concept of Chineseness and elucidating the sense of identity of sequential generations has important ramifications for the development of a more informed theoretical model for understanding the long-term effects of migration, especially on the process of identity formation and feelings of home and belonging.

Individualisation has become an ambiguous feature of late modern societies. It carries a sense of liberation, yet individuals are compelled to cope with a fragmented and pluralised social order largely by themselves. While the advance of individual freedoms is taken-for-granted, the seemingly unnoticed structural imposition to individually negotiate the boundaries between systemic and normative processes is portrayed as individual freedom and social integration. This thesis explores the ambiguities underpinning individualisation as they emerge from contemporary transformations of capitalism and work. As a result of a hyper-differentiated late modern social order the interface between functional and normative processes shifts from an institutional and organisational level to an individual one. Individualisation can no longer sufficiently be described as 'institutionalised individualism', either in respect to the realisation of a rather consistent normative infrastructure, or as mere individual responses to systemic dependencies. I argue that under the contemporary conditions of marketisation individuals increasingly become the focal point for the negotiation of systemic and normative processes. Substantiated by the theoretical argument of 'corporatisation' and the analysis of interviews with managers from international corporations, I contend that various workorganisational developments transform the subtle pressures to individually negotiate the demarcations between systems and lifeworld into an organising principle. I describe the emerging ambiguities with which individuals struggle, in particular at the workplace, as 'organised individualisation'. Individuals become 'active hubs' not only for the coordination but also for the reproduction of their own systemic dependencies which are organisationally pre-defined. While the responsibility to pseudo-negotiate systemic processes is put on individuals, the lack of opportunities to publicly debate and contest society's normative underpinnings generates deficiencies in social integration.

At present, there is speculation that women's alcohol use is a growing biomedical concern. Whilst not dismissing the potential health problems from excessive alcohol use by women that the evidence suggests, this thesis does not necessarily take the view that women's alcohol use/abuse is merely a reflection of a biomedical concern. Drawing predominantly from feminist tools of analysis, this thesis examines the discourse of alcohol use/abuse and reveals that mainstream interpretations of the epidemiological evidence are informed by an underlying sexism inherent in the research process itself. However, it is also argued that although popular interpretations can be contested on the grounds of sexism, there is a significant body of evidence that suggests women suffer more alcohol-related biological harm than men do. Given that epidemiological researchers are evidently observing something organically manifest, something perfectly correlative with the popular representation of a female vulnerability to alcohol related harm, this investigation cannot be reduced to the realm of cultural analysis and interpretation. The question then emerges, how can cultural assumptions that guide interpretations of the evidence become biologically manifest? Upon deeper reflection, this investigation turns its attention to relations of power and reveals the biological body and the discourses that produce it to be more closely aligned than generally presumed. This thesis argues that nature (the body) and culture (discourse) are not inherently oppositional, thus, the way we "conceptualise" the world must be inseparable from the "matter" under investigation. Based on this revelation, it is reasonable to consider that normalising discourse, which founds the meaning-making process of alcohol use, is not simply a re-presentation of the natural/organic world, but is constitutive of, and inherently writing the biological world it describes. Thus, rather than erecting material/conceptual borders that reinforce the polarisation of the nature/culture division, this thesis proposes a way to think difference more generously, in a way that allows for a closer reconciliation of the historical division between the "theory" and the "lived" experience.